Thesis (M.S.P.D.(Prof))--University of Queensland, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references.

With the rapid expansion of the state- led philanthropy sector over the past decade, charitable GONGOs have become salient players in China’s third sector. These organizations have acted as “transmission belts” between the state and society by placing government demands in the first priority and posed no challenges to the political hierarchy. However, several events occurring after the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake implied that charitable GONGOs began to secure an independent identity in pursuit of their own interests. I argue that traditional analytical frameworks to address state-society relations in China, namely civil society and corporatist approach, cannot fully explain this new phenomenon. Thus I propose a two- level institutional change model to explore why and how charitable GONGOs began to pursue an independent identity. At the societal level, three institutional sources are identified which are driving charitable GONGOs to detach themselves from the government: functional, legitimization and political pressure. At the organizational level, I argue that charitable GONGOs will adopt divergent strategies to pursue autonomy, and propose three interrelated propositions to explain their choices. The research methods used in this thesis include macro-historical analysis and the case study. In regard to the former, I review the laws, regulations, policies, past significant events and statistical data related to the philanthropy sector to explore how the change of general social context exerts impact on charitable GONGOs. I then use the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation and China Charity Federation as cases to analyze why and how charitable GONGOs have devised divergent strategies to secure organizational autonomy. This study discloses that with the notable change in the economic, social and political environment; charitable GONGOs are encountering three institutional pressures to separate themselves from the government. First, functional pressure derived from the rise of new donors and private foundations. Second, the past malpractices of charitable GONGOs, including the administrative fundraising campaign, the “black box” in operation and corruption, which have severely undermined public trust and generates legitimization pressure. In addition, they have also faced political pressure to transform. The case studies find that two typical strategies are adopted by charitable GONGOs to pursue organizational autonomy. One strategy is to initiate a “de-bureaucratization” reform to transform from semi-governmental organizations to true NGOs, while the other is to pursue symbolic independence without a substantial shift of their close relationship to the government. In addition, institutional entrepreneurs holding a positive attitude towards their autonomy played a pivotal role on the different strategic choices, and the feedback effect reinforced the choices made at critical junctures. Given that only a few charitable GONGOs have changed into autonomous NGOs to date, it is still too early to say that a civil society is taking shape in top-down manner. Nevertheless, we should not overlook that there is increasingly visible tension between the publics’ expectation and the inert political system. If the reformist elites and leaders of the party-state reach a consensus on the relations between the government and social organizations, the future of civil society in China will become a little brighter. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

China, as an authoritarian state, exerts tight control over society. Grassroots non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China emerged in the context of top-down restrictions and lack of bottom-up social support. However, over the years, they have developed into a visible social force in various areas, such as environmental protection and women‘s rights protection. The policy environment has also become more favorable for NGOs. This research aims to investigate how this process happened. How did grassroots NGOs in China gradually gain legitimacy in the face of a hostile government and among an uninformed public? Adapting legitimacy studies in organizational theory to NGO studies, I developed a four-stage model to illustrate the legitimation process of Chinese grassroots NGOs involving embeddedness, diffusion, transition and validation. Using two in-depth case studies, the legitimation process and the dynamics between the state, NGOs and society are explored. I contend that grassroots NGOs initially embed themselves in existing institutions to attain a basic level of legitimacy, after which they diffuse their values and images through various channels to attain greater legitimacy. After a stage of transition, the legitimacy of grassroots NGOs is enhanced and they move into a stage of validation. In each stage, different types of legitimacy are attained through different sources. The interaction between the different dimensions of legitimacy reflects the dynamics between the state, NGOs and society. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

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The research problem that this study addresses is two-fold. First, the persistance of poverty gives rise to a real world concern for improving the effectiveness of international development efforts. To address the link between the alleviation of poverty, adult education, and a grass-roots approach, this study focuses on planning within an organization that offers adult education programs overseas, specifically a nongovernmental organization (NGO). An understanding of the dynamics of planning in such an NGO will help in articulating more effective approaches to planning practice in international development. The second aspect of the research problem is that the relationship between the planning process and the planning context seems not to have been fully explored in the literature on adult education program planning. There is a need for a more complete set of analytical tools that captures the complexities of planning and sheds light on the relationship between the planning context and the planning process. The purpose of this dissertation is to address the main theoretical question raised by the research problem: How do nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) plan so as to maintain themselves and be effective given the pressures on them? This theoretical question was investigated through a case study method, specifically ethnography. Ethnographic fieldwork, which included seventeen months of participant observation, twenty-five interviews, and document analysis, was carried out at an NGO, refered to here by the pseudonym of "Global Faith." The conceptual framework developed in this dissertation builds on the negotiation approach to planning. The first part of the conceptual framework links two strands of research: leadership theory and negotiation theory. Through this juxtaposition, I was able to examine the process of planning in a new light - as the negotiation of meaning. The second part of the framework shows how a deeper understanding of the context of planning is accomplished by applying a subjectivist, multi- perspective approach to analyzing cultures in organizations. This approach - which incorporates the integration perspective, the differentiation perspective, and the fragmentation perspective was used to see Global Faith cultures in three different ways. These same ways of viewing culture at Global Faith were matched with the varying interpretations held by staff members in order to characterize the cultural contexts for specific episodes of planning involving the negotiation of meaning. The findings show that by including the negotiation of meaning in planning activities, Global Faith is able to motivate staff and deal effectively with confusing requirements, conflicting expectations, and diverse demands that they face in their interactions with CIDA, general public donors, the Board of Directors, and overseas partner organizations. There is a recursive relationship between planning processes involving the negotiation of meaning and Global Faith cultures whereby the cultures are both precursors and products of negotiation of meaning episodes.

For the last 30 years, an increasing proportion of development assistance funds has been allocated to non-governmental organisations (NGOs), often in OECD countries. The received wisdom is that NGO programmes make an important contribution to development. However, whilst many funds are given to Northern NGOs, increasingly development projects are implemented by Southern NGOs. Many Southern NGOs secure most of their income from Northern NGOs, often with few alternative sources of funds. This study draws on the literature on relations between Northern and Southern NGOs, theories about inter-organisational relationships and six detailed case studies of such relationships in Nairobi (Kenya) to understand current experiences, to explore the problems that exist and to analyse how agencies are responding to their situation. The research findings suggest that Southern NGOs are generally dependent on a small number of Northern NGOs for most of their income. Despite this situation, Southern NGOs seek to secure their autonomy in establishing their goals and activities through three strategies: donor management, donor diversity and donor independence. A further finding is that Northern NGOs are encouraging the formalization of Southern NGO administration, with potential detrimental effects for their relationship with target groups. Northern NGOs are themselves constrained by their need to identify a Southern NGO that shares their objectives. For this reason, half the Northern NGOs contacted in the study are directly initiating or encouraging the formation of new Southern NGOs. In this way, Northern NGOs are influencing the development of the NGO sector as well as the work of individual agencies. Further analysis suggests the existence of three types of relationships between Northern and Southern NGOs, with Northern NGO's attitudes being a critical determining factor: shared values (close alignment of mission), common agenda (time-bound agreements between agencies with mutual respect) and coincidental interest (temporary alliances to address different but overlapping interests).

This research attempts to answer the question of how humanitarian agencies engage with the combatants in a complex political emergency. The thesis has been designed as a case study of four non-governmental organisations, two Norwegian and two British, which have been working in Sri Lanka in the ongoing war. I focus on the period from 1995-1998 and build mainly of interview data with agency staff. Drawing on research literature on non-governmental organisations, I identify three roles which agencies can play in a complex political emergency: service delivery, advocacy and institution building. Ways in which agencies combine these roles are analysed, both in terms of their strategies in relation to actors in their environments, particularly the government and the LTTE, and in terms of the organisational challenges involved. When agencies move beyond a service delivery role issues relating to neutrality and impartiality often arise. Research literature on humanitarian assistance is applied to analyse how humanitarian agencies operationalise neutrality and impartiality and ways in which the agencies may be drawn into the conflict dynamic. My theoretical framework is organisational theory and, more specifically, research literature on organisations and their environments, and organisational strategy. In particular, I explore aspects of this literature which deal with situations in which organisations are subjected to pressure from their environments. This framework is then applied to identify the sources and types of constraints which agencies operate under and agency responses to these constraints, as well as the ways in which organisations develop strategies for managing their environments. I conclude that it is possible for agencies to combine different roles, but that in doing so, foreign humanitarian agencies have to actively manage their environments in order to ensure that their actions are perceived as legitimate by actors in the country in which they work.

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The importance of NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisations) m development to most 'aid' agencies is said to have been generated by the failure of the state in reaching and providing certain basic services to the poor and the disadvantaged Although many NGOs in Bangladesh have shown some success in reaching the poor, organising them to raise awareness of education and providing microcredit, the vast majority of the poorest in Bangladesh have remamed beyond their reach The dependency of the NGOs on donors, lack of accountability and loss of quality in service provision during scaling up are the major problems for the NGOs in Bangladesh Except for missionary NGOs like MCC most NGOs m Bangladesh are preoccupied with microcredit which is mainly driven by NGOs search for self-reliance and for good performance indicators Field workers could be the movers and shakers of NGOs They implement the policies of NGOs but unfortunately they are rarely consulted during the making of these policies Above all their problems and opinions remain unheard and unaccounted for Very little research has been conducted on them in both North and South and even less m Bangladesh The research has a multiple methodology which includes questionnaire survey semi structured interviews, securing life histories in order to address the interfaces between the field worker with his/her clients and superiors Most field workers come from the rural middle or lower middle class Most wanted government jobs and fell back on NGO work when they failed to obtain them Most of those who by the time they reach the age of 40 have failed to get promoted either leave voluntarily or are made redundant Field workers of small NGOs try to switch over to large and international NGOs in search of higher job security and salary and benefits Due to high unemployment in the country instead of creating a stable and more skilled workforce NGOs often abandon then: long service field workers in order to recruit cheaper younger field workers The personal problems of field workers include job insecurity financial difficulties and risks associated with accommodation, child-care and children s education These problems are more severe for women field workers and are associated with issues related to their gender The professional problems of these field workers include poor or incorrect training heavy workloads, corrupt and limited promotion opportunities, irregular and undesirable transfers, low status at work, difficult external relationships, etc Again there are gender differences in these problems Yet with all these personal and professional problems, field workers are central to NGO performance It is the strengths of the field workers which make this possible This study calls for better utilisation of these strengths by the NGOs The poor relationship between field workers and their superiors can be tackled by better management in the NGOs A major challenge for the NGOs in Bangladesh is to become less bureaucratic, this supposed to be one of their comparative advantages over the state I also found that there is a big gap between what NGOs do and what then- field workers think ought to be done This underscores the necessity of more discussion with fieldworkers in policy making implementation and evaluation of the activities of NGOs

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