Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy, Jeffrey W. Knopf. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Koryŏ Taehakkyo, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 287-306).

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. / Cover title. "December 2007." AD-A475 875. Includes bibliographical references. Electronic version available on the Public STINET.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Colorado, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 208-222).

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注，更觸動了中國的神經。雖然，中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定，但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時，中國主要採取不介入的政策；但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時，中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色，主動擔當核危機的調停者。 / 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略，而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間，無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此，筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 / 為了更能有效檢視研究論題，筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件，以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向，以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 / As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. / In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. / Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China’s participation in multilateral institutions, and China’s self-identity and views on national interests and security. / In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China’s foreign policy and predict the trend of China’s diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李建忠. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-285). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Jianzhong. / Chapter 第一章 --- ：研究目的及方法 --- p.p.1-28 / Chapter 1.1 --- 擬題動機/研究目的 --- p.p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 研究途徑及框架 --- p.p.11 / Chapter 1.3 --- 研究假設 --- p.p.16 / Chapter 1.4 --- 研究方法 --- p.p.19 / Chapter 1.5 --- p.p.26 / Chapter 第二章 --- ：文獻回顧 --- p.p.29-57 / Chapter 2.1 --- 問題層面 --- p.p.29 / Chapter 2.2 --- 理論層面 --- p.p.37 / Chapter 第三章 --- ：中國的硬權力與軟權力 --- p.p.58-107 / 引言 --- p.p.58 / Chapter 3.1 --- 硬權力 / Chapter 3.11 --- 經濟方面 --- p.p.65 / Chapter 3.12 --- 軍事方面 --- p.p.72 / Chapter 3.13 --- 科技方面 --- p.p.77 / Chapter 3.2 --- 軟權力 --- p.p.81 / Chapter 3.21 --- ：政治價值觀 --- p.p.83 / Chapter 3.22 --- ：外交政策及國際制度 --- p.p.89 / Chapter 3.23 --- 文化 --- p.p.99 / 小結 --- p.p.103 / Chapter 第四章 --- ：中國外交政策的轉型 ── 由雙邊到多邊 --- p.p.108-148 / 引言 --- p.p.108 / Chapter 4.1 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的數量 --- p.p.109 / Chapter 4.2 --- 中國簽署多邊條約的數量 --- p.p.119 / Chapter 4.3 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的質量 --- p.p.123 / Chapter 4.31 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的動機與類型 --- p.p.128 / Chapter 4.32 --- 有否積極參與國際組織/制度的行動 --- p.p.132 / Chapter 4.33 --- 簽署多邊條約的類型 --- p.p.136 / Chapter 4.34 --- 有否創立及建設國際組織/制度 --- p.p.140 / 小結 --- p.p.143 / Chapter 第五章 --- ：中國的身份認同的改變 --- p.p.149-190 / 引言 --- p.p.149 / Chapter 5.1 --- 中國的具體行為 --- p.p.150 / Chapter 5.2 --- 國際社會對中國的看法 --- p.p.160 / Chapter 5.3 --- 中國自身的定位：從發展中國家到負責任大國 --- p.p.166 / Chapter 5.4 --- 觀念的改變 ── 從新安全觀到上海合作組織 --- p.p.174 / Chapter 5.5 --- 對國際核不擴散機制的態度 --- p.p.181 / p.p.186 / Chapter 第六章 --- ：東北亞大國關係框架的轉變與「六方會談」 --- p.p.191-240 / 引言 --- p.p.191 / Chapter 6.1 --- 美國外交政策及與北韓關係的改變 --- p.p.193 / Chapter 6.2 --- 進入新世紀的中美關係 --- p.p.204 / Chapter 6.3 --- 北韓核問題對中國及東北亞各國的挑戰 --- p.p.215 / 小結 --- p.p.234 / Chapter 第七章 --- ：總結 --- p.p.241-256 / Chapter 7.1 --- 研究發現 --- p.p.241 / Chapter 7.2 --- 研究貢獻 --- p.p.249 / Chapter 7.3 --- 研究局限及展望 --- p.p.255 / 參考文獻 --- p.p.257-285

Thesis (M.A. (International Relations))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2016 / The Six Party Talks is a multilateral forum created to facilitate the DPRK’s (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea) denuclearisation, between 2003 and 2007. This paper will look at how the character of the relationship that North Korea had with other states allowed the North to manipulate the Talks in such a way that it managed to continue with its nuclear weapons programme. The content of these Talks makes them unique and shows how power perception (heightened in negotiations that involve a focus on deterrence, state survival and regional stability) dictates outcomes. The intent of the study is to explore how ‘power’ can be manipulated because it has to be mediated by perception. In essence, ‘perception’ creates a space for North Korea to manipulate the ‘reality’ within which all the states involved function. This study aims to show that it can build on currently existing assumptions that relate to negotiation and power, specifically Zartman’s explanation of power as a perceived relation. The paper argues that within the context of denuclearisation, the understanding of power perception needs to be qualified. It explores whether, in the context of the Six Party Talks in particular, ‘power’ can be analysed with a purely realist paradigm. Constructed meanings for resources that seem to exist purely within an objective reality (for realists) can alter the value of these resources. The argument therefore builds onto the realist foundation of Zartman’s approach to the analysis of negotiations, by showing how a state like North Korea can change the value of an objective reality by creating certain meanings for the elements that comprise this reality. It is interested in building on certain assumptions made by realists (including Hans Morgenthau (1993)), as well as certain assumptions concerning a structural approach to the analysis of negotiations (Zartman 2008: 100); in order to provide a more nuanced perspective regarding North Korea’s behaviour during the Six Party Talks, in relation to its interactions towards the other parties in the Talks (specifically the US, China and South Korea), as well as their reactions to the North’s provocations. To create this nuance, it uses constructivist elements to show how North Korea, during the time in which the Six Party Talks took place, manipulated reality to such an extent that it dictated the options that the other states had in relation to the DPRK’s nuclear weapons programme. / MT2017