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Denna uppsats behandlar den ideologiska konflikt som dök upp på Göteborgspostens ledarredaktion i samband med ledningens utnämnande av en ny politisk redaktör. Fredrik Tenfält, som nått pensionsålder, ersattes av Alice Teodorescu. Skribenterna på ledarredaktionen menade att de som socialliberala inte kunde arbeta under en chef som själv tillskrev sig som liberalkonservativ, vilket är fallet med Teodorescu. I uppsatsen görs en kvalitativ idéanalys med hjälp av idealtyper på signerade och osignerade ledare i Göteborgsposten under perioden 8-14 september 2014, det vill säga veckan före det svenska riksdagsvalet. Analysens mål är att undersöka om ledarskribenternas kritik mot ledningen är befogad och om de verkligen är så ideologiskt principfasta som de utger sig för att vara. Det resultat vi når i undersökningen är att Göteborgsposten har en klar socialliberal prägel i sina ledartexter men att det finns betydande inslag i vissa frågor också av konservativa och nyliberala idéer. Det förekommer även relativt stor partikritik mot det socialdemokratiska partiet.

The topic of this paper revolves around the security environment of the wider Black Sea region, with a focus on three protagonist states, and an alliance: Russia, the United States of America, Romania, and NATO. This work comes as a response to the normative demand of avoiding an inter-state conflict in this part of the world, an area already characterized by deep mistrust, frozen conflicts, separatist movements, transnational organized crime, terrorism, and great-power struggle between holders of nuclear capabilities. The objective of this paper is explanatory, namely to help pinpoint the root causes of potential conflict between regional players. By pursuing a Defensive Realist approach, it is suggested that perception of insecurity lies at the heart of the negative dynamics. It is the inter-state security dilemma that could have the ultimate effect of transforming tensions into a spiral of conflict, unless such dilemma is mitigated through its regulators. Therefore, ‘by alleviating the security dilemma, conflict in the wider Black Sea region can be avoided’. The testing of this hypothesis constitutes the contents of this paper. The conclusion of the thesis confirms the expected results, namely that there is a security dilemma operating in the wider Black Sea Region, and that the regulators have the ability to influence its escalation, yet particular specifications are to be observed.

The Veiled Party: A Discourse Analysis of Sweden Democratic Texts aims to further the understanding of the underlying ideology of the Sweden Democratic party, by revealing whether or not there is any ideological content that include race, racialization, and racism in the party’s political texts. The study offers a background description of the discursive change in the social and political climate of debate in Sweden, which opened a policy window for xenophobic agenda setting. In addition, the study delivers a presentation of the public debate regarding the Sweden Democrats, as well as statements by party representatives.Through a social constructionist and discourse analytic framework, the study aims at understanding how the application of racial ideas are done and mapped. The core of the theoretical framework is a critical race and whiteness theoretical approach. Throughout the study, race is treated as a social construct. Furthermore, a presentation is made of the theoretical arguments on an essentialist view of culture and its changing discourse, imbuing culture with the same functions as the concept of race in relation to (biological) racism. It is a reduction of man to a vessel of spiritual, transferrable cultural characteristics, which through racialization becomes embodied categories. The analysis of the texts shows that the party is imbued with essentialist beliefs regarding culture, nation, and people. The human essence is perceived as being passed down through the generations in an undefined and mysterious manner, and equips people with the same meaning as the mystical concept of racial souls. The Sweden Democrats’ ideological reasoning thus creates a concept of culture that becomes a functional synonym to the idea of race. / Det beslöjade partiet: En diskursanalys av sverigedemokratiska texter bidrar till att öka förståelsen av Sverigedemokraternas ideologi genom att undersöka om det i partiets politiska texter finns något ideologiskt gods som innefattar ras, rasifiering och rasism. Arbetet inleds med en bakgrundsbeskrivning av den diskursiva förändring av samhällsdebatten och som öppnade upp för en främlingsfientlig agendasättning. Vidare redogörs för debatten om Sverigedemokraterna och uttalanden gjorda av partiets företrädare.Genom ett socialkonstruktionistiskt och diskursanalystiskt ramverk tar uppsatsen sikte på att förstå hur tillämpningen av rasidéer i sverigedemokratiska texter skapas och ser ut. För det teoretiska ramverket står kritisk ras- och vithetsteori samt rasifieringsteori. Genom arbetet betraktas ras som en samhälleligt dold historisk och politisk konstruktion som ständigt produceras och reproduceras kulturellt och socialt. Vidare presenteras teoretiska resonemang på hur en essentialistisk kultursyn omskapar kulturbegreppet till att få samma funktion som rasbegreppet; människan reduceras till bärare av andligt överförbara kulturella egenskaper som genom rasifiering förkroppsligas.Med den teoretiska och metodologiska verktygslådan avkodades principprogrammet för att ge svar åt uppsatsens syfte: Analysen av texterna visar att partiet är genomsyrat av essentialistiska uppfattningar rörande kultur, folk och nation. Den mänskliga essensen går i arv genom generationerna på ett odefinierat mystisk sätt och utrustar människor med innebörden för rassjälar. I partiets ideologiska resonemang skapas ett kulturbegrepp som blir rasföreställningarnas funktionella motsvarighet.

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Denna studie handlar om hur krisledningsgruppen i Kramfors samverkade under översvämningen som drabbade kommunen hösten 2013. Varför en översvämning och Kramfors valdes var på grund av att det är intressant att studera samverkan efter en inträffad händelse. Dessutom är det en händelse som har skett i Västernorrland och passade bra att studera på grund av det geografiska läget. Glasbergens samverkanstrappa valdes ut som teoretiskt ramverk i uppsatsen. Den valdes då den kan användas för att förstå strukturerna inom krisledningsgruppen. Totalt finns det fem olika analysnivåer i samverkanstrappan och tre av dessa valdes ut för att analysera denna händelse, nivå två, tre och fem. Dessa nivåer innefattar bland annat vilken gemensam grund som finns i krisledningsgruppen, hur formell krisledningsgruppens samverkan är samt vilka effekter samverkan hade för gruppens fortsatta arbete. Materialet samlades in i form av intervjuer med utvalda aktörer i krisledningsgruppen. Under analysen av intervjuerna framkom det att samtliga aktörer känner ett ömsesidigt beroende gentemot varandra och att samtliga anser att det är viktigt att samverka. Vilken form av samverkan det handlade om skiljde sig mellan aktörerna. Svaren gällande frågan om rollfördelningen inom gruppen skiljde sig också. Det handlade om vem som har beslutanderätt i gruppen och om exempelvis externa aktörer ska bjudas in eller inte. Resultatet visar att aktörerna inte var överens om sin egen roll eller om det fanns någon som hade beslutanderätt i krisledningsgruppen. Detta ger frågetecken kring hur formell gruppen egentligen är. Aktörerna ansåg att samverkan och hanteringen av översvämningen fungerade bra med några få invändningar. Dessa handlade främst om hur samverkan med externa aktörer gick men även om interna faktorer som exempelvis hur snabbt mötesanteckningarna spreds vidare till förvaltningarna. De interna faktorerna har lett till förändringar i krisledningsgruppens interna arbete, alltså har översvämningen haft effekt på gruppens arbete.

The response to many on-going or emerging conflicts since the beginning of the 21st century has been different forms of multinational complex peace operations. Civil-military relations are a commonly studied field that traditionally has its focus on nations. This study intends, in the context of organisations, to test the correlation between a civil-military approach and outcome in complex peace operations. A hypothesis has been deduced from researcher Robert Egnell’s theory on complex peace operations, that states that: UN peace operations with an integrated civil-military approach are more successful in achieving their goals than peace operations with a divided approach. This hypothesis is tested by comparing the outcome of two different complex peace operations with diverse approaches to civil-military relations. The cases were selected by a comparative design and thereafter thoroughly analysed in relation to their respective goals. The analysis revealed that the integrated UN approach in Sierra Leone through UNAMSIL was far more successful in achieving its goals, than the divided UN approach applied in Afghanistan via UNAMA and ISAF. In regard to the result, the hypothesis was not falsified which indicates that there is a correlation between a civil-military approach and outcome in organizations. More specifically, an integrated approach to complex peace operations is more successful in achieving its goals than a divided one.

During 2004 to 2008, The United States Marine Corps (USMC) executed counterinsurgency operations in Anbar Province with the purpose to stabilize one of the most violent areas in Iraq. The Marine Corps successfully managed to suppress the insurgency as violence dropped dramatically in late 2007. What did the marines do in order to suppress the insurgency? Why did violence drop in the province? The Marine Corps approach and procedures have been examined earlier through theories of organizational learning and adaptation. However, there is an absence of studies aiming to analyse the Marine Corps’ counterinsurgency approach through the analytical lens of counterinsurgency theory. Therefore this study has the intention to explain the Marine Corps approach and methods through David Galula’s and Roger Trinquier’s counterinsurgency theories with the purpose of gaining a profound understanding for the counterinsurgency the Marine Corps conducted. The results suggest that a population-centric counterinsurgency approach contributed to the positive turn of events in the province. Furthermore it suggests that continued research ought to focus on the importance of indigenous actors, since the theories used in this study did not fully cover their possible impact on counterinsurgency operations.

The Submarine service was established to perform covert operations.  Despite its clandestine nature the submarine service is used in the extrovert field of maritime diplomacy. An example of if this is, the participation of submarine forces in the RIMPAC which are multinational and goodwill visits to port. This study aims to identify the methods with which the submarine services can interact with the field of maritime diplomacy, the extent these methods are used and what role the submarine service adopts in maritime diplomacy.   To answer these questions through a qualitative analysis of the theories on maritime diplomacy presented by Christian La Mière and James Cable that identify variables in forms of methods that fulfill diplomatic purposes. These variables are used as a tool for empirical data collection for a quantitative result presented in a table. A qualitative analysis and comparison of similarities and differences in the general usage of the submarine service is employed in the context of maritime diplomacy.    The analysis shows six variables, in which submarine services can interact within the field of maritime diplomacy; Good will visits, Personnel exchanges, multinational exercises, multinational operations, capability to deliver payload to keel bound targets and capability to deliver payload on ground based targets.  The results show that each of these variables have to some extent been used historically. Further analysis of the result concludes that the submarine service does not have a highly-visible role in maritime diplomacy. Contrary to this it is limited because of its limited applications as a multirole vessel and the extensive cost of maintenance which further concentrate the capabilities of the submarine service.

Contemporary Swedish security policy indicates a shift from an international orientation into an increased nationally emphasized policy. This thesis questions if the governmental view on security and external context has changed from a liberal to a more realist notion and how that may be reflected in the security policy transformation 2004-2015. The liberal and realist schools of thought constitutes the basis of the analytic framework. Realists argue that international relations are tinged by anarchy, uncertainty and power struggle between states while liberalists share an optimistic view on humanity and contend that international relations can overcome anarchy. The conclusion of the thesis argues that a realist view of the surrounding world has increased in response to the Russian violations against Georgia and Ukraine. This is also reflected in the security policy transformation process. However, the government´s views seem to have retained liberal values on security along with the essence of external relations as a means to take unified action against a broad scale of security threats.