Försvarsmakten har under 00-talet succesivt reducerats mot bakgrund av att hotet mot Sverige har bedömts som lågt. De försvarsbeslut som har legat till grund för utformningen av försvaret under 00- och 10-talet har visat sig vara underfinansierade. Detta har inneburit en vikande trend avseende försvarsförmåga. I samband med ett försämrat omvärldsläge under 10-talet har nya politiska krav på̊ ökad försvarsförmåga åter hamnat i fokus. Studien fokuserar på̊ utformningen av, och processen bakom försvarsbeslutet 2015, vars avsikt var att möta den försämrade omvärldsutvecklingen. Resultatet visar på̊ ännu ett underfinansierat försvarsbeslut, där de dominerande drivkrafterna har varit andra än att säkerställa en tillräcklig försvarsförmåga för att kunna möta det försämrade omvärldsläget. Istället har ekonomi utgjort den dimensionerande faktorn när försvarsbeslutet skulle realiseras.

Sanctions are presumed to work on the logic of a cost/benefit analysis, where the actors make concessions in response to induced pressure from the public who demands policy change because of hardened living conditions. The literature regarding sanctions effect on policy change are numerous, but less research has been made on what effects follow in domestic politics when sanctions are lifted. The theory of economic voting explains how voters reward or punish their leaders depending on the economic performance of the country. Most studies have focused on democratic developed countries, but this research will extend the theories to an autocratic setting. This essay fills a gap in the literature by a applying case study approach to a field of work that is largely dominated by quantitative research designs. Through a case of structured focused comparison of two periods where sanctions are implemented and then lifted, this essay is able to show that for the case of Iran, the coercive measures had an impact on support for the government. The public rewarded the incumbent for good performance when the sanctions were lifted, which confirms earlier findings that voter behavior in autocratic countries are similar to those in democracies. The economy is here shown to be of importance for regime approval, but more research is needed on what affects support for governments in non-consolidated democracies.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether there are indications that the way women are included in peace processes has a meaningful impact on the level of sustainability in the outcome of the peace process. This is a discussion that is relevant in the fields of political science, peace and conflict and sustainability. This study presents earlier work that claims the importance of women in peace processes, but as mentioned before, it has been hard to find answers of how the women are supposed to be included to make the most efficient contribution to sustainable peace. The aim of the thesis is to contribute to the discussion of the “how” in the said importance of women’s participation in peace processes. It’s based on feminist and civil society theories about the need of inclusion as a basis for durable peace and tries to answer the research questions that are:   1. In what ways have women been included in the Liberia (2003) and Democratic Republic of the Congo (2002) peace processes?   2. Do the ways in which women have been included differ in the above-mentioned cases and does it affect the level of sustainability of the peace agreements?   It is done with the help of a comparative case study and addresses the Liberia peace process (2003), defined as a successful case and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) peace process (2002), defined as an unsuccessful case. The cases are above all compared with the help of secondary sources; studies made of the peace processes of these countries. When the comparison is made, the thesis finds ambiguous answers to the questions. Women in unofficial roles seems to contribute more to sustainable peace than women in official roles.

The purpose of the study has been to investigate how employees at the employment agencies experience collaboration with other national agencies during their work with new arrivals. This puts focus on interaction between different national agencies. The questions of the study are: - How do the employment agencies describe their role within the framework of the collaboration process between the municipality and the Employment Service? - How do the employment agencies describe power, responsibility and control in the collaboration process between the municipality and the Employment Service - How do the employment agencies describe the division of responsibility in the collaboration process between the municipality and the Employment Service? The study has a qualitative approach that tries to capture the perceptions of the employees’ concept of "responsibility" in the process of collaborating in public activities. In order to answer the questions of the study, 10 interviews were conducted with employees that are collaborating with the municipality and other organizations on the establishment of new arrivals to Sweden. During the interviews the most commonly encountered concepts were scope of responsibility, power, rules, knowledge, autonomy and overview of the collaboration. The concepts are reported in the results section with a descriptive analysis and interpretation. The study concluded that there is no one who takes responsibility for the process of cooperation.

This essay aims to analyse the former government Löfven 1´s gender equality politics in its correlation with three theoretical feminist orientations; liberal feminism, socialistic feminism and radical feminism. The essay is based upon the missive “Goal, power and authority - feminist politics for an equal future” (2016/17:10) (Mål, makt och myndighet - feministisk politik för en jämställd framtid) where the target for analyse is the missive´s six sub-goals in terms of achieving gender equality. This is to see if either of the three theoretical feminist orientations has influenced the direction of the Swedish gender equality politics, and if so, which of the orientations is the most distinguished. The method is of qualitative form, where a critical ideology analysis has been used. The result of this essay presented that meanwhile liberal feminism was distinguished, it is radical feminism and socialistic feminism that influenced the missive´s sub-goals.

Welfare, meaning the well-being of the citizenry, and the supply of it has been one of the central concerns of all leaders throughout history. The expansion of the welfare programs in the western hemisphere during the Cold war is by some regarded as one of the reasons why the “west” emerged victorious from the war in the late 20th century. Following the fall of the Berlin wall democratically elected governments in the newly formed states in Eastern Europe transitioned to market economies and thus formed their own versions of capitalist welfare states. In the 90s it was projected that these states would create welfare states approximate to those that existed in the west, predominantly to the (neo-)liberal model. In the 2000s this assumption changed and disregarded the assumptions about the dominance of the liberal model. Today, some argue that the welfare programs of these post-socialist countries resemble each other more than their western counterparts. The aim of this study is to find out whether this is the case in more recent years focusing on social security payments. To do this data is used from three post-socialist European countries; Estonia, Bulgaria, and Poland, and four western European countries; the UK, Germany, Sweden and Spain comparatively to determine the possible similarities between them. The result of this study shows that there are similarities between post-socialist countries’ welfare systems but also highlights the difficulties of categorizing them as belonging to the same ideal type of welfare system.

No description available.

Sammanfattning Den här studien handlar om Agenda 2030 som är en del av de globala målen för att skapa enhållbar utveckling. Fram till år 2030 ska alla världens länder enas mot en hållbarhet, utrotafattigdom och hunger, bekämpa ojämlikhet och främja jämställdhet. Syftet med studien är attundersöka om tjänstemännens arbete påverkas av Agenda 2030 i Luleå och Haparandakommun. Med hjälp av Lipskys teori och Seväs ramverk kommer studiens syfte besvarasgenom att undersöka om faktorer som kännedom om Agenda 2030, policyförståelse,implementeringsresurser och policyövertygelse påverkar tjänstemännens arbete vidgenomförandet av Agenda 2030 i Luleå och Haparanda kommun.En kvalitativ undersökning i form av intervjuer har genomförts. Det empiriska underlagetbestår av samtalsintervjuer med 3 tjänstemän från Luleå kommun och 2 intervjuer medtjänstemän från Haparanda kommun. Studiens resultat har visat att kännedom om Agenda2030, policyförståelse och policyövertygelse påverkar tjänstemännens arbete vidgenomförandet av Agenda 2030 i Luleå och Haparanda kommun. Ett annat intressant resultatsom studien visat är att tjänstemän från respektive kommun anser att regeringens styrningkring agendan borde göras tydligare. Nyckelord: Agenda 2030, Luleå, Haparanda, Handlingsutrymmet, Policyförståelse,Implementeringsresurser, policyövertygelse, Hållbarutveckling.

After years of fragmented and unsuccessful attempts to put culture at the top of the EU agenda for external relations, on the 8th of June 2016 something changed. That day the HR/VR Federica Mogherini addressed the European Parliament and the Council with the 2016 Joint Communication ‘Towards an EU strategy for international cultural relations’. With this document the European Union aimed at providing culture with a new and more important role as a soft power instrument in its external relations. However, its approval came in times of identity crisis and political insecurity for the Union. The Brexit vote and the rise of Euroscepticism highlighted the fragile foundations of the policy and the still divided European scenario. This thesis analyses the historical context that led to the approval of the 2016 strategy and provides the reader with a critical analysis of the structural and practical outcomes and challenges of its implementation. Through this research it was highlighted how the Union is still missing a unified and shared cultural identity due to the lack of agreement concerning the so-called ‘European values’. Moreover, due to its objective of promoting the European culture and identity abroad, the strategy risks being seen as an attempt to export and force ‘Europeanness’ on third and partner countries. In addition, this analysis highlighted that also European politicians and relevant personalities still manifest divided opinions concerning the purpose and objectives of the EU international cultural relations and are missing out on the potential of culture for the implementation of larger projects. Finally, the work underlines how current global priorities such as health, sustainability, digitalisation and migration should be considered and included in future attempts to foster international cultural cooperation. The theoretical focus of this analysis includes resources retrieved from EU documents including treaties, communications, agreements and conclusion and from the latest reports concerning data and results of the EU projects implemented under the 2016 Joint Communication.

Allt fler tjänstemän inom statlig myndighet vittnar om hot och trakasserier på arbetsplatsen. Forskning visar att hot och våld förekommer i stor utsträckning men att mörkertalet är stort då de anställda anser att det är en del av arbetet och inte något att rapportera. Syftet med uppsatsen är att ta reda på hur tjänstemännen på Migrationsverket upplever hot och våld på arbetsplatsen och få en förståelse för hur detta påverkar tjänstemännen och deras arbete. Uppsatsen utgår från teorierna om gräsrotsbyråkrati, handlingsutrymme och klientrelationer. Vi har intervjuat åtta handläggare på Migrationsverket och vår analys visar att det förekommer hot och våld i stor utsträckning. Detta anmäls sällan då det inte anses leda någon vart. Negativa beslut leder ofta till att klienten blir aggressiv och i flera fall försöker påverka beslutet genom hot och/eller mutor. Tjänstemännen vittnar om en psykisk påfrestning i sin arbetsmiljö och anser att säkerheten bör höjas samt att vikten av att vara tydlig och väl förberedd inför mötet med klienten ska påtalas tydligare.