Thesis--Columbia University. / Thesis statement on label mounted on t.p.; vita on label mounted on p. 349. Bibliography: p. 329-337.

The Canadian Arctic is facing new international challenges as global warming melts Arctic ice, opening up new shipping routes and access to untapped, potentially rich resources. As it has in the past, Canada is turning to defense spending to help strengthen its sovereignty in the region. Sovereignty is a multi-dimensional concept which requires a state to demonstrate control over its territory and its citizens. Developing Arctic energy resources is one pathway for Canada to achieve greater control in the region and strengthen its sovereignty claim. This thesis considers realist and liberal policy approaches to the development of Canadas Arctic energy resources. In the past, Canada has used both approaches to encourage the development of its Arctic energy reserves. From the 1950s to the early 1970s Canada relied solely on private companies to explore and produce Arctic resources. Between 1975 and 1984 Canada took a more interventionist approach. In 1975, Petro-Canada was created to help stimulate the development of Arctic resources. One of Petro-Canadas primary goals was to act as a catalyst for private energy companies operating in the Arctic.<p> This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing Canadian Arctic sovereignty. By examining the impact of the two energy approaches on state sovereignty, this study draws a series of conclusion about the role of energy development in improving Canadas sovereignty claim. This thesis argues that government intervention is required to develop working partnerships amongst Canadian oil producers in order to bring Arctic energy reserves online in a timely and efficient manner to help bolster Canadas sovereignty claim.<p> This thesis considers realist and liberal policy approaches to the development of Canadas Arctic energy resources. In the past, Canada has used both approaches to encourage the development of its Arctic energy reserves. From the 1950s to early 1970s Canada relied solely on private companies to explore and produce Arctic resources. Between 1975 and 1984 Canada took a more interventionist approach. In 1975, Petro-Canada was created to help stimulate the development of Arctic resources. One of Petro-Canadas primary goals was to act as a catalyst for private energy companies operating in the Arctic.<p> This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing Canadian Arctic sovereignty. By examining the impact of the two energy approaches on state sovereignty, this study draws a series of conclusion about the role of energy development in improving Canadas sovereignty claim. This thesis argues that government intervention is required to develop working partnerships amongst Canadian oil producers in order to bring Arctic energy reserves online in a timely and efficient manner to help bolster Canadas sovereignty claim.

The Canadian Arctic is facing new international challenges as global warming melts Arctic ice, opening up new shipping routes and access to untapped, potentially rich resources. As it has in the past, Canada is turning to defense spending to help strengthen its sovereignty in the region. Sovereignty is a multi-dimensional concept which requires a state to demonstrate control over its territory and its citizens. Developing Arctic energy resources is one pathway for Canada to achieve greater control in the region and strengthen its sovereignty claim. This thesis considers realist and liberal policy approaches to the development of Canadas Arctic energy resources. In the past, Canada has used both approaches to encourage the development of its Arctic energy reserves. From the 1950s to the early 1970s Canada relied solely on private companies to explore and produce Arctic resources. Between 1975 and 1984 Canada took a more interventionist approach. In 1975, Petro-Canada was created to help stimulate the development of Arctic resources. One of Petro-Canadas primary goals was to act as a catalyst for private energy companies operating in the Arctic.<p> This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing Canadian Arctic sovereignty. By examining the impact of the two energy approaches on state sovereignty, this study draws a series of conclusion about the role of energy development in improving Canadas sovereignty claim. This thesis argues that government intervention is required to develop working partnerships amongst Canadian oil producers in order to bring Arctic energy reserves online in a timely and efficient manner to help bolster Canadas sovereignty claim.<p> This thesis considers realist and liberal policy approaches to the development of Canadas Arctic energy resources. In the past, Canada has used both approaches to encourage the development of its Arctic energy reserves. From the 1950s to early 1970s Canada relied solely on private companies to explore and produce Arctic resources. Between 1975 and 1984 Canada took a more interventionist approach. In 1975, Petro-Canada was created to help stimulate the development of Arctic resources. One of Petro-Canadas primary goals was to act as a catalyst for private energy companies operating in the Arctic.<p> This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing Canadian Arctic sovereignty. By examining the impact of the two energy approaches on state sovereignty, this study draws a series of conclusion about the role of energy development in improving Canadas sovereignty claim. This thesis argues that government intervention is required to develop working partnerships amongst Canadian oil producers in order to bring Arctic energy reserves online in a timely and efficient manner to help bolster Canadas sovereignty claim.

Answers were sought to two research questions concerning Mobil Oil Company's corporate advertising appearing in The New York Times between 1984 and 1990:1. What issues/events throughout the campaign received the most attention in Mobil's corporate advertisements? 2. How did yearly political/event changes affect Mobil's corporate advertisements?This study, which was based on a study by Anderson (1984), was completed in two steps. First, a coder read and summarized all 365 advertisements. These advertisements were categorized according to three dependent variables: energy policy, Mobil's economic/political commentary and image advertisements. The results of this process answered the first question.The second part of analysis involved using each year's breakdown of advertisements and comparing it to the political tone of the year. The Congressional Quarterly Almanac was used to recreate the tone for each year.Image advertisements accounted for slightly more than 53 percent of the 365 advertisements carried by Mobil in the time period. Mobil's economic/political commentary accounted for nearly 38 percent of the advertisements. Energy policy advertisements accounted for nearly nine percent of the advertisements.The findings, also, showed that as energy-related issues received attention in the media, Mobil increased its usage of these advertisements. After a review of the political tone of each year, it was concluded that Mobil uses its corporate advertising program to both respond to current events affecting the oil industry or large corporations and to create a favorable image with its consumers. / Department of Journalism

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010. / Full text also available online. Scroll down for electronic link.

An analysis of the historical relationship between the petrostate, state oil company and international oil company in the context of the resource nationalism phenomenon and its consequences to the existing contractual frameworks . Negotiating techniques and contractual stabilizing mechanisms are explored in order to identify the main parameters and conditions necessary to optimize the interaction between these key players in the international oil industry. Quantitative and qualitative aspects of the contracts are identified in order to recommend new paradigms for a more harmonic future in the oil industry.

This thesis evaluates emerging electric vehicle technology and estimates what effect it might have on how an oil company decides on its gas station network. It is conducted using data from South Korea, a country poised for a fast adoption of electric vehicles. The study first reviews the literature to gather reasonable cases of electric vehicle penetration. Also, after researching technology-diffusion theories, the study selects a model that can well explain the literature review data. The scenarios induced by this function are utilized as the main uncertainties confronting an oil company’s network decision model. Based on a probabilistic simulation, the study finds that the effects of technology diffusion alter the priority order of an oil company’s network decision alternatives. Namely, after the overall uncertainty level rises, directly owning gas station, with its heavy initial investment, is not preferred for an oil company’s network strategy. From the result, the study also estimates the scale of the new technology’s effect. Such effect is found to be significant enough to alter a part of an oil company’s retail strategy. Nevertheless, such effect cannot be shown to be so great as to change the current retail oil market structures. / text

Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

In terms of the world globalization multinational companies are becoming more significant in the international trading system. One of the main conditions for opening the new market by a multinational company is an effective system of the strategic management. This thesis is aimed at analyzing the ways of LUKOIL operations in Ukraine. Moreover, the specific attention of the paper is devoted to the LUKOIL activities in the country. Taking into account all the particularities of the Ukrainian market, the conclusion provides clear evidence about the successful implementation of LUKOIL formulated strategy in Ukraine.

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