This study investigated some of the acoustic correlates of lenis-fortis contrast in Saulteaux Ojibwe based on speech from six speakers in Manitoba. Four acoustic correlates of lenis and fortis stops in intervocalic position were measured; consonant duration, postaspiration, preaspiration and sonority level. It was assumed that although the speakers displayed much variation in terms of what correlates marked the contrast overall the contrast would be maintained with a similar degree of robustness across the speakers. It was hypothesized that despite the ubiquitous variation, the speakers would trade off acoustic correlates in order to maintain the contrast. Bias-reduced multiple logistic regression models were used in order to assess the (non)importance of each correlate by speaker. Multi-model inference was used in order to choose the best model for each speaker based on their speech. Some trading relations between the correlates were discovered across the speakers, however, the precise quantitative weightings between them were difficult to assess for a number of reasons. The relevance of the current study for Ojibwe dialectology is discussed.

This study investigated some of the acoustic correlates of lenis-fortis contrast in Saulteaux Ojibwe based on speech from six speakers in Manitoba. Four acoustic correlates of lenis and fortis stops in intervocalic position were measured; consonant duration, postaspiration, preaspiration and sonority level. It was assumed that although the speakers displayed much variation in terms of what correlates marked the contrast overall the contrast would be maintained with a similar degree of robustness across the speakers. It was hypothesized that despite the ubiquitous variation, the speakers would trade off acoustic correlates in order to maintain the contrast. Bias-reduced multiple logistic regression models were used in order to assess the (non)importance of each correlate by speaker. Multi-model inference was used in order to choose the best model for each speaker based on their speech. Some trading relations between the correlates were discovered across the speakers, however, the precise quantitative weightings between them were difficult to assess for a number of reasons. The relevance of the current study for Ojibwe dialectology is discussed.

With the removal of the Gray Wolf (Canis lupus) from the United States Endangered Species Act (ESA) in 2012, several states legalized wolf hunting as part of wildlife management programs and the protection of livestock. However, the legalization of wolf hunting has created much conflict between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations in the Great Lakes region. Many Anishinaabeg, or Ojibwe, in the states of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan object to the state-sanctioned wolf hunting because of their long-standing religious and ecological relationship to wolves as relatives. In the Anishinaabe creation story, the Creator Gitchi Manitou sent Ma'iingan, or Wolf, as a brother and companion to the original human, where the lives of Anishinaabe peoples and wolves would forever become intertwined. While the wolf hunting conflict appears to be one between religion and the broader secular state, it is a complex issue, involving historical religious conceptions of land and power among Anishinaabe and non-Indigenous Americans. Power and traditional ecological knowledge in Anishinaabe culture originates from non-human sources, where humans must establish relationships with other-than-human beings to survive and achieve bimaadiziwin, or "the good life." In a bimaadiziwin framework, wolves are a source of power, knowledge, and well-being for humans, suggesting that they and other non-human beings are valid models of potential ways in which humans may develop ecological models and environmental relations. A methodology based on Indigenous environmental theory and non-human power may provide a broader and more inclusive framework for environmental conflicts, incorporating the roles of all the beings that are indigenous in a certain area. In my thesis, I will show how the wolf-hunting conflict in the Great Lakes region is an example of clashing hierarchical and non-hierarchical systems of relations and knowledge, and explore how an Anishinaabe wolf-based epistemology and ontology is a valid non-hierarchical ecological model for the Great Lakes region and beyond.

This is an investigation into language ideologies, and the significance of same, among activists working to revitalize the Ojibwe language. Better inclusion of indigenous community members is necessary to spread the Ojibwe language. Improved competence in using--and strategically chging--language ideologies is necessary by language activists. Matters of orthography, storytelling, Elder status, state institutionalization, indigenous leadership, and decolonization reveal underlying ideologies of language, any of which can help or hinder efforts to reverse language shift. This is shown through participant observation in and around an Ojibwe language immersion school in Wisconsin.

This thesis explores the structure of the verb stem in Ojicree, a dialect of Ojibwe. I argue that the surface complexity of the stem structure in this language can be explained if we distinguish between two types of roots: strong roots and weak roots. Strong roots combine with a verbal head to build a full stem. I call these simple stems. Weak roots build a more complex structure. Their combination with a verbal head is not enough to build a complete verb stem and some additional material needs to appear to the left of the root to form a full stem. I refer to these stems as complex stems and to the requirement posed by the weak roots the left edge requirement. In the traditional templatic view of the Algonquian stem weak roots correspond to an element called ‘pre-final’ or the lexical portion of the concrete final. Strong roots fall into the traditional slot ‘initial’. In the first part of the thesis I argue that weak and strong roots build two fundamentally different structures. Complex stems (build from weak roots) are dynamic syntactic constructs, while simple stems (build from strong roots) need to be stored. I bring both syntactic and phonological evidence for this distinction. In the second part of the thesis I explore the nature of the left edge requirement in complex stems, arguing that it is a semantic constraint that has to do with event composition. Weak roots are semantically deficient elements, and the left edge element fills a gap in their semantics and completes event composition. The syntactic composition of the stem reflects event composition. Finally, I extend the idea of the left edge requirement to a certain type of noun incorporation construction. The proposed analysis advances our understanding of the Ojicree morphosyntax by moving away from the traditional templatic view of the stem, situating it within the current syntactic framework of Minimalism and proposing answers to some long standing questions from a new perspective. More broadly, it furthers our understanding of how words are formed in the Algonquian languages and in polysynthetic languages in general.

This thesis explores the structure of the verb stem in Ojicree, a dialect of Ojibwe. I argue that the surface complexity of the stem structure in this language can be explained if we distinguish between two types of roots: strong roots and weak roots. Strong roots combine with a verbal head to build a full stem. I call these simple stems. Weak roots build a more complex structure. Their combination with a verbal head is not enough to build a complete verb stem and some additional material needs to appear to the left of the root to form a full stem. I refer to these stems as complex stems and to the requirement posed by the weak roots the left edge requirement. In the traditional templatic view of the Algonquian stem weak roots correspond to an element called ‘pre-final’ or the lexical portion of the concrete final. Strong roots fall into the traditional slot ‘initial’. In the first part of the thesis I argue that weak and strong roots build two fundamentally different structures. Complex stems (build from weak roots) are dynamic syntactic constructs, while simple stems (build from strong roots) need to be stored. I bring both syntactic and phonological evidence for this distinction. In the second part of the thesis I explore the nature of the left edge requirement in complex stems, arguing that it is a semantic constraint that has to do with event composition. Weak roots are semantically deficient elements, and the left edge element fills a gap in their semantics and completes event composition. The syntactic composition of the stem reflects event composition. Finally, I extend the idea of the left edge requirement to a certain type of noun incorporation construction. The proposed analysis advances our understanding of the Ojicree morphosyntax by moving away from the traditional templatic view of the stem, situating it within the current syntactic framework of Minimalism and proposing answers to some long standing questions from a new perspective. More broadly, it furthers our understanding of how words are formed in the Algonquian languages and in polysynthetic languages in general.

Ojibwe is a member of the Algonquian language family. These languages are known for their complex verbal morphology. This makes Ojibwe an excellent case study for testing theoretical concepts. In this thesis, I examine the syntax and semantics of the Ojibwe verbal domain, drawing on three theoretical frameworks, the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1993; 1998), Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Embick & Noyer, 2007), and Neo-Davidsonian Semantics (Heim & Kratzer, 1998; Kratzer, 2015). I begin my analysis by looking at the composition of vP. I show that Ojibwe verb phrases may contain multiple vPs. Following a Distributed Morphology account (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Embick & Noyer, 2007), this structure must be built in the syntax; at all stages in the derivation, if the verb stem has at least one vP, it may be used as a fully-formed verb. Further, I discuss the semantics of categorising v in Ojibwe, and provide sample denotations for different types of v. Ojibwe verbal agreement morphology is complex and a number of previous accounts have been proposed (Bruening, 2005; Béjar & Rezac, 2009; Lochbihler, 2012; Oxford, 2013). I demonstrate that these previous proposals run into difficulty with multiple vP structures. Oxford (2013) comes closest, and I build on his proposal to account for Ojibwe verbal agreement. I argue that Voice (Kratzer, 1996) is the phase edge, and verbal agreement occurs on a head above this. Agree happens simultaneously with both arguments, and a portmanteau morpheme (the theme sign) results. Only the argument in the highest spec-v can agree with the theme sign. As a result, applicatives show agreement with the Goal rather than the Theme. I discuss two other agreement suffixes and argue that they are the result of a post-syntactic fission operation (Embick & Noyer, 2007, p. 314). Finally, I examine the semantics of agreement. While much has been written on the syntax of agreement in Ojibwe, the semantics has been left relatively unstudied. I show that the theme sign puts constraints on argument structure based on the saliency of arguments to the discourse. My proposal assumes speech act participants are always more salient than non-participants, and that obviation modifies a third person argument to mark it as less salient. I propose that instead of referring only to semantic roles, the denotation of the theme signs refer to bundles of syntactic features. In this way, the theme sign will impose conditions on the two highest DPs in a sentence, regardless of their semantic role. This allows the same denotation to target the Theme in monotransitive sentences, and the Goal in applicative sentences. Thus, I provide both syntactic and semantic analyses of agreement in Ojibwe.

abstract: Relationships are the heart of Anishinaabeg culture and language. This research proposes understanding Anishinaabemowin, the language of Ojibwe, Ottawa, and Potawatomi peoples, as a living, historical, and spiritual member of the cultural community. As a community member, the language is the Oldest Elder. This understanding provides a relational lens through which one can understand language history from an Indigenous perspective. Recent scholarship on Indigenous languages often focuses on the boarding school experiences or shapes the narrative in terms of language loss. A relational understanding explores the language in terms of connections. This dissertation argues that the strength of language programs is dependent on the strength of reciprocal relationships between the individuals and institutions involved. This research examines the history of Anishinaabemowin classes and programs at three higher educational institutions: Bemidji State University, University of Michigan, and Central Michigan University. At each institution, the advocates and allies of Oldest Elder fought and struggled to carve space for American Indian people and the language. Key relationships between advocates and allies in the American Indian and academic communities found ways to bring Oldest Elder into the classroom. When the relationships were healthy, Oldest Elder thrived, but when the relationships shifted or weakened, so did Oldest Elder's presence. This dissertation offers a construct for understanding Indigenous language efforts that can be utilized by others engaged in language revitalization. The narrative of Oldest Elder shifts the conversation from one of loss to one of possibilities and responsibilities. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. History 2014

In Anishinaabemowin (Ojibwe language), Kipimoojikewin refers to our inheritance, or the things we carry with us. While Anishinaabemowin, Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) pedagogy and research practices are all part of our inheritance, so too is a legacy of colonial violence and historic trauma. This paper details one journey towards the language; the struggle through a colonial terrain rife with institutional and cognitive barriers, the journey to return to Anishinaabe ways of knowing, to articulating Anishinaabe pedagogy in a contemporary urban context and the work done to fulfill the vision of the Elders. There are no “best practices” only stories that exemplify an Anishinaabe axiological framework so that the causes and effects can be better understood, taken up and improved upon. Aapajitoon kema wanitoon.

In Anishinaabemowin (Ojibwe language), Kipimoojikewin refers to our inheritance, or the things we carry with us. While Anishinaabemowin, Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) pedagogy and research practices are all part of our inheritance, so too is a legacy of colonial violence and historic trauma. This paper details one journey towards the language; the struggle through a colonial terrain rife with institutional and cognitive barriers, the journey to return to Anishinaabe ways of knowing, to articulating Anishinaabe pedagogy in a contemporary urban context and the work done to fulfill the vision of the Elders. There are no “best practices” only stories that exemplify an Anishinaabe axiological framework so that the causes and effects can be better understood, taken up and improved upon. Aapajitoon kema wanitoon.