Konstanz, Univ., Magisterarb., 1996.

Zugl.: Konstanz, Univ., Magisterarb., 1996.

Thesis--Stanford University. / Microfilm-xerography of typescript. Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms International, 1978.--22 cm. Includes bibliographical references.

Zugl.: Diss. Univ. Dresden, 2005.

Zugl.: Diss. Univ. Dresden, 2005.

Master-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2004.

This thesis focuses upon a significant body of contemporary French political thought which takes as its starting point a contention that both the monist and doctrinaire political precepts dating from the Revolution and the consequent Hegelian, Marxist and structuralist thinking linked to these precepts have become anachronistic and hence have little relevance in present-day France. The originality of this doctoral thesis lies in the analysis of the work of seven political thinkers. All of these thinkers, recognizing a break in the continuity of French political thought consequent upon the claim of François Furet that the "Revolution is complete", have sought to rationalize and reconcile the values of individualism, humanism and modernity in contemporary France. In contrast to the political thinkers of the Sartrean generation, whose work took little account of the actual practice of politics, in the seven thinkers seek to relate the philosophical problems inherent in considerations of individual and communal rights and values to the present-day political environment. Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values . This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers . Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values. This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers.

The period of the French Revolution known as the Terror was a cataclysmic event for Ancien Regime Europe. Nearly every aspect of life was affected by the events which unfolded in France, forcing Europeans to confront the question of national identity through the context of the French Revolution. Nowhere was this phenomenon keener than in Great Britain, a traditional rival of France. Although in its infancy, a British national identity--as distinct from a English, Irish, Welsh, or Scot national identity--was already in existence. This new British identity was being shaped by forces such as a growing population, a reform movement within the Anglican Church, the drive for Empire, the increasing influence of the Industrial Revolution and the ensuing adjustment of the agricultural sector, and a steadily increasing middle class that demanded grater political participation. The French Revolution recast all of these issues and forced a reassessment of what it meant to be British, and, as such, was the chief stimulus for the development of British national identity as it changed from one based on political rights in the tradition of the Magna Carta to that of a bastion of order in the face of political radicalism. This study uses eighteenth century newspapers from across Britain to examine key events of the period of the Terror--the trial and execution of Louis XVI, the trial and execution of Marie-Antoinette, the murder of Marat, the execution of Madame Roland, and the fall of Maximilien Robespierre--in light of an evolving British national identity. The newspaper accounts of these reveal a composite British national identity consisting of the components of the reverence for the institutions of monarchy and the aristocracy, constitution/legal system, civilized society, commercial power, notions of chivalry, Christianity (Protestantism), the English language (represented by Shakespeare), and the notion of the French "other." This nationalism is also decisively male, propertied, and literate. This identity provided a foundation for future British activities such as the drive for imperial and industrial dominance in the nineteenth century.

The preface to The Picture of Dorian Gray is often dismissed as merely an addendum to the novel intended to detract hostile readers and absolve the text itself of any accusations of immorality. When coupled with the narrative itself, however, the novel shows both the impossibility of producing the new through traditional notions of revolution, as well as the way in which the Deleuzian conception of judgment inhibits Dorian from ever viewing the portrait as insignificantly amoral, as not symbolic of his sins. Yet the preface, coupled with the various aesthetic objects in the text, is productive of a new form of judgment, one that does not reproduce the same moral order. This takes the form of a "useless" judgment. When Lord Henry claims he wishes to change nothing in England but the "weather," this is the same as the portrait, returned to its original form, hanging over Dorian's body at the novel's end: neither is a judgment with a use, but rather a judgment of a work of art that produces nothing in the work of art. Lord Henry cannot change the weather, and the portrait's changes do not help or affect Dorian in any way. Thus we see the answer to Deleuze's question of what the "refusal of work" would look like. Art is "quite useless" in that it is both extremely removed from any and all spheres concerned with moral order, and also fairly indifferent to this fact and Dorian's concern with maintaining a world organized by useful symbols.

This thesis seeks to explain the reasons behind Johann Wolfgang von Goethe's critical response to the French Revolution, and to identify his broader political views. It casts Goethe as a reform-minded conservative, who strove to advance civilisation and law-abiding liberty, and deplored tyranny, whether of the few or of the many. He deemed the Revolution politically and socially destructive, as it countered Enlightenment values of reason, tolerance, independent thought, and self-cultivation. While acknowledging the faults of the traditional ruling elite of the monarchy and aristocracy, Goethe also recognised the inherently flawed nature of human beings. This led him to support modest changes to redress specific grievances, rather than to overturn an entire political system in the utopian hope of realising a vice-ridden 'brotherhood of Man'. The fictional works indicate an author who favoured clearly definable freedoms over an abstract 'universal' freedom, who believed that BÃ1⁄4rger should develop their intellect and find an occupation best suited to their personal attributes, and that the most temperate and politically astute among them should influence government by co-operating with aristocrats. Goethe also portrays the fall of the ancien régime as largely self-inflicted, presenting many selfish and gullible courtiers, and incompetent kings. He appears to lament its demise, however, and not wish for a repeat in Germany, as the insurgent Bürger-dominated and/or republican regimes seem even more reckless. The advocates of 'liberté, égalité, fraternité' generally come across as perilously naïve or fraudulent, often using altruistic rhetoric to conceal egocentric and vindictive aims. The best cure for a flagging regime is (sometimes considerable) reform, not revolution. Political power should be treated with humility and self-restraint, and the relationship between rulers and subjects should be as intimate as possible. Above all, no part of the social hierarchy should suffer oppression from another, and people should be free to express various opinions, and criticise their government. For Goethe, the Revolution thwarted such principles.