As the past twenty years of justice research have demonstrated, perceiving the workplace as fair is associated with higher levels of organizational commitment, job satisfaction, work-related effort, acceptance of work-related policies and procedures, and decreased absenteeism. However, although not always explicitly stated in theories of fairness, there has been a tacit understanding that justice perceptions are not static, but influenced by a variety of factors. In short, extant justice theories assume there are underlying dynamic elements within the construct, but the measures and previous research examining justice has assessed it as if it were a stable and static perception. The purpose of this research, therefore, was to take the first step to explore and describe the frequency and intensity of injustice perceptions at work and how individuals' affective states and traits influence these perceptions. A snow-ball sample of working individuals from across the United States provided ESM data by responding to palmtop computers at randomly scheduled intervals several times a day for 3 work weeks. Additionally, participants provided event-contingent injustice data when they perceived unfair events during their workday. The results of this examination, as well as the use of experience sampling for the study of dynamic workplace injustice, are discussed.

Feminist community organizing involves members of a geographic locale or social network coming together to address a shared issue or problem affecting the lives of women in order to find a collective solution (Dominelli, 1995; Israel, Checkoway, Schulz & Zimmerman, 1994; Selsky, 1991). While the organizational theory literature has traditionally focused on the exchange of financial and material resources as the main reason for forming partnerships (Gulati, 1998; Kanter, 1989; Oliver, 1991), a growing body of feminist literature (Acker, 1995; Brown, 1992; Eisenstein, 1995; Feree and Martin, 1995; Reinelt, 1994) and community development literature (Dominelli, 1995, Israel et al., 1994; Kretzman & McKnight, 1993; Minkler & Wallerstein, 1997; Selsky, 1991) emphasizes the importance of other types of resources such as skills, lived experience, knowledge, information and social networks. In addition, feminist collectivity offers a promising alternative to hierarchy in terms of valuing and mobilizing the diverse pool of resources brought to a feminist community-based initiative by participants from varied social locations (Callahan, 1997; Dominelli, 1995; Reinelt, 1994). The purpose of my study was to investigate participant understandings of the resources they brought to a feminist community organizing initiative designed to increase the access of women on low-incomes to community recreation, and how emergent organizational practices affected resource utilization. A case study analysis of 'Women Organizing Activities for Women' (WOAW) that is comprised of a diverse group of women on low incomes, community partners, and university-based researchers was conducted. The research methods for this project included the analysis data obtained in Interactive Research Meetings (n=3) with each of the WOAW participant groups to determine individual and collective resources. Observations of Phase I WOAW meetings (n=9) were recorded using fieldnotes and verbatim transcripts and served as the data source for examining patterns of resource utilization given emergent feminist collective organizing practices. Fieldnotes and transcripts were analyzed using Atlas.ti data computer software. Participants from the three groups identified over 200 examples of resources they were bringing to WOAW and described a number of connections between resources, as well as multiple meanings of single resource types, which differed based on their roles and locations in the organization. These findings contribute to the literature by linking resource identification in new ways to the process of resource utilization. The results also contribute to practice by challenging assumptions about the types of resources brought by different collaborators and by identifying organizational practices that enhance or inhibit resource utilization. My analysis revealed that there was ambiguity between participant groups about who was bringing what resources, which led to assumptions being made about who would take on certain tasks in the group. I also found that while feminist collective organizing practices enabled participants to name and share resources in an empowering and respectful environment, that time constraints, ambiguity about roles and participants' lack of familiarity with the process were challenges to mobilizing available resources.

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Selection and adaptation paradigms have been jointly employed in the derivation of a theoretical model of firm evolution. This construct enabled researchers to explore: "why are there so many different kinds of organizations?". In that, evolutionary influences and adaptive firm behaviour were simultaneous forces that shape the survival of organizational forms over time. Such a notion was applied towards a dynamic programming context. This dynamic programming model was translated into a computer simulation such that an empirical representation of firm evolution was depicted. / The results from four computer simulations confirmed the selection and adaptation propositions described in this research. The simulations found evolutionary forces to be significant determinants to differentiating firm survival. While, adaptive firm behaviour only served to prolong organizational survivability with in the confines of the selection forces of the market. / Future organizational research should focus on expanding the dimensions of strategic adaptation, strategic, voluntarism, niche width dynamics, organizational inertia theory and organizational slack. By addressing these areas, a more comprehensive depiction of organizational evolution could be attained.

<p>The 21st century has awakened a call for new leaders to cope with the demands of the rapidly changing world of work which emphasises flatter structures, and a more democratic style of leadership. When looking at the changing competencies of the new leader, it is postulate that leadership takes into consideration the emotional attributes as well as the rational aspects of the individual. From this it becomes evident that the leaders of the 21st century would have to be emotionally intelligent to motivate employees to achieve organizational goals. The aim of this study was to investigate if there is a relationship between emotional intelligence and leadership styles in middle to senior managers.</p>

The purpose of this research was to operationalize the construct, church organizational culture (COC), and to develop an instrument to measure the construct. In order to accomplish this goal, the researcher undertook a six-phase, mixed-methods study following accepted protocols for construct validation. The six phases of this research study included precedent literature review; expert panel; modified Delphi study; instrument design; statistical analysis; and revisions to the survey. Pilot studies of the instrument were conducted at churches throughout the United States. The new instrument underwent statistical analysis for item correlation using exploratory factor analysis, for internal consistency reliability using Cronbach's Alpha, and for content validity using an online survey of the expert panel. While the original instrument did not pass statistical tests for validity and reliability, the study yielded a definition for the new construct of church organizational culture and laid the foundation for additional research and development of a model and instrument to measure the construct. The research process also revealed a related construct of church leadership culture (CLC) and produced a reliable basic survey to measure six dimensions of CLC. KEYWORDS: Church, Organizational Culture, Instrument, Values, Leadership, Survey