Texte remanié de: Habilitationsschift--Geisteswissenschaftliche Fakultät--Universität Wien, 1988. Titre de soutenance : Osmanische Sultansurkunden aus der Zeit Murāds III. / Contient les fac-similés de documents en turc ottoman et leur trad. allemande. Bibliogr. p. 238-251. Index.

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The common image that is associated with the religious atmosphere of the Middle Ages is paradoxical. On the one hand there is an aura of fervent religious piety, which also fueled religious animosity, most notably in the bloodshed and brutality of the Crusades. This overwhelming conflict makes it hard for anyone to imagine the Middle Ages as an ear in which there could have been cordial or harmonious religious coexistence of any kind. This must be considered. In the Balkans during the Late Medieval/ Early Ottoman Period, there existed a form of religious coexistence unlike anything else in Europe. Amicable religious coexistence, that is the sharing of saints and shrines between different faith groups, existed in the Balkans during this time, and continued well into the Modern period. This paper is a discussion of this occurrence and describes the significant factors, which allowed for amicable religious coexistence to take place. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts / History / MA / Thesis

Thèse de doctorat--Histoire--Ankara üniversitesi, Sosyal bilimler enstitüsü, 2005. / Bibliogr. p. 349-362.

This dissertation offers a case study on the intersection of gender and modernization in the Middle East within the context of the 19th century Ottoman modernization project. It analyzes the position of Muslim/Turkish women in the Ottoman Empire between the years of 1870 and 1922 through a prosopographic study of the first professional women in Turkish history, the schoolteachers known as the muallimat. In 1870 Ottoman educational reformers opened Darülmuallimat, the Women Teachers' Training College, to train female instructors for the recently established girls' middle schools. This training and employment opportunity created by the government provided favorable conditions for Muslim women to fashion a respectable career for themselves as teachers and to forge a new definition of femininity which was based on the convergence of the traditional and the modern. This study provides a multi-faceted portrait of the muallimat by examining their respective socio-economic profiles, educational backgrounds, income levels, living standards and family lives. It also offers a revision of the official Republican narrative which claims that the "universally suppressed" Muslim/Turkish women were emancipated only under the auspices of Atatürk's secular westernization reforms. The experience of the muallimat clearly defies the oversimplified conception of "Islamic patriarchal oppression" and demonstrates that Ottoman women teachers played a significant role in shaping their own future and the future of the society at large. My study relies primarily on the records of the Ottoman Ministry of Education. To supplement the official sources, I also utilize material from the Ottoman women's press as well as the biographies and autobiographies of women writers of the period and various other late Ottoman literary works. Together, the archival and other primary material help to illuminate major aspects of the late Ottoman era women school teachers' professional and personal experiences.

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A major factor cited in the collapse of the Ottoman Empire is the emergence of nationalist ideologies and identities among the empire’s ethno-religious minority groups. Such arguments, however, often fail to recognize roles played by the Ottoman state itself in promoting – albeit unwittingly – politicizations of such constructs. By examining Ottoman educational policies during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909), it becomes evident that policies intended to contain, manipulate, or otherwise affect the conduct of ethno-religious minorities’ identities and/or politics actually promoted their particularization. Individualizations of ethno-religious identities in a pluralistic society like the Ottoman Empire thus exacerbated problems of resistance, fragmentation, and secession. This research thus examines Ottoman politics of education vis-à-vis the ethnic and religious minorities of the empire during the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. While numerous studies have examined ways in which education fostered political cohesion when administered directly or through other governmental institutions, few have examined those examples when such policies failed – or even fostered fragmentation. In considering alternate cases, one quickly ascertains that while these cases may have been traumatic and far from uniform through time and over place, their eventual successes resided in the fact that they did foster loyalties on the basis of the universal ideal of a nation-state. By contrast, educational policies in societies lacking the nation-state as the ultimate ideal – and the nation as ultimate sovereign, might be said to have failed eventually. In ethnically, religiously, and linguistically pluralistic societies like the Ottoman Empire, evolved notions of citizenship were the best that could be aspired to without obvious alienations of particular groups. In such cases, increased involvements by the state – even when designed to enhance the loyalties of its citizens, could be seen as having catastrophic outcomes for multi-ethnic/-religious empires in the modern era of the nation-state. In short, this work maintains this observation as its primary thesis and seeks to foster an inquiry into its conduct and consequences with respect to the ethnic and religious minorities of the Ottoman Empire. This research draws upon unique primary materials written in Ottoman Turkish that were acquired from archives in Turkey. In sum, histories of Ottoman educational politics illuminate many of the failings of citizenship-fostering and/or nation-building educational agendas that would subsequently be enacted worldwide in pluralistic societies. Indeed, such examples were even apparent later as the Turkish Republic attempted to deal with its minorities. At a time when certain ideologies, religions, and nationalisms of the Middle East are characterized as malevolent, this collective experience from Ottoman educational history yields a powerful and cautionary lesson as to the potential ramifications of state policies geared towards controlling, co-opting, marginalizing, or otherwise manipulating political, religious, and/or other identity-based constructs.

The work aims to outline the fate of the Lebanese Druze community in the period in which they fell under the rule of the Ottoman Empire which is a period when the Druze, unlike today, enjoyed considerable political importance, which had been gradually lost. Regionally focused on Lebanese Emirate and its successor political formations, this work will also deal with the reasons for decline of their influence. The thesis is divided into several parts. The introductory chapter is devoted to familiarization with the Druze religion and social structure. The second chapter describes the period after the conquest by the Ottoman Empire and the peak of Druze power during the Macnid emirate. The third chapter deals with transition of control into Sunni and subsequently Maronite hands of the Shihab dynasty. The fourth chapter deals with the declining role of the Druze and increasing international interference and strengthening the position of Maronite. Last, the fifth chapter provides the context and describes the factors that led to the loss of privileged status of the Druze community.