Relatively few inquiries have been made into the section-ally-derived characteristics of Canadian political parties. The British Columbia Progressive Conservative Party had been exhibiting signs of stress between factions interested in attaining national power and those interested in provincial government objectives. The inquiry, which relied chiefly upon personal interviews and accounts in periodicals, examined the beginnings of partisanship in B.C. provincial politics. Party groups were organized along provincial lines and, when working toward electing federal representatives, they did so wholly under the provincial leader's control. Until the second world war the national party was a confederation of provincial parties loosely linked across the top. As an important force in B.C. the Conservatives died during the early thirties. When national leaders attempted reconstruction, they found provincial Conservatives in a coalition government dominated by the Liberal Party. Even after the second world war ended, the provincial leader refused to break with the Liberals and clung to sole control of a moribund provincial association. Attempts to revivify the association failed and personality clashes between the provincial leader and the national leader's personal representative brought into the open a bitter quarrel between the provincial and federal wings. A new federal party structure institutionalized the division of interests and labour between federal and provincial spheres. Acceptance of the changed structure came with the provincial group's realization of the extent of the damage done by the quarrel. Two groups promote Conservative interests in B.C., the Federal Council and the B.C. Progressive Conservative Association. The Council is the national association's chief agent in B.C. for federal matters although the association is also recognized. The latter group, which is left free to pursue provincial objectives, nominally claims but does not exercise authority in federal work. The leader of each group is not a member of the other group. The provincial leader enjoys much independence, accepts the division and seeks to heal', the rupture. Important power was not vested in the national leader's personal representatives although they performed important services. A survey indicates more co-operation existing at the grass roots level of federal and provincial wings than the leadership quarrels might suggest. Public policy issues have not divided party members, largely because ideology is not too important in the party and because there have been few periods when the party held office simultaneously at Ottawa and Victoria. National Conservative election victories eased financial difficulties for both groups and promoted reconciliation. Federalism in government and the diversity of Canada's major regions decided the organizational character of the Conservative party until about the second world war. Extra-parliamentary political associations were slow to develop. The growth of important inter-sectional interests and of feelings of nationhood was accelerated by urbanization, economic depression, war, technological advances and sociological evolution. The political party that used a Confederation framework was becoming obsolete. New forms of organization were needed that recognized the sociological changes and were equipped to handle techniques of influencing voters in the mass. Coalition government made the changes even more necessary in British Columbia and, perhaps, facilitated their realization in some ways. The B.C. Conservative organization appears to be evolving toward a new type of structure that reflects the crumbling of strong sectional feeling. Many problems remain to be examined, especially those involved in the inter-relationships of the various types of elected persons within the federally-organized political party. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This paper critically re-examines the long held belief that parties in the first decade after Confederation were rather loose coalitions of provincial and ethnic factions, and that they were, on the whole, rather undisciplined. Taking as the focus for criticism Escott Reid's work during the 1930's on the development of national parties in Canada, this paper first presents his arguments (and of those who accept his thesis); following this perusal, the paper turns to the creation and examination of an "alternative thesis", one which argues that parties in the early post-Confederation period were, in fact, fairly cohesive. Unlike most other work done in this area, this paper is based largely upon an analysis of empirical evidence. The core of this paper lies in a comprehensive examination of the individual and collective voting behaviour of all M.P.'s on all divisions recorded during each of the first three parliaments (1867-1872; 1872-1874; 1874-1878). By undertaking such an examination it is possible to discern precisely the degree to which parties were, or were not, fairly cohesive voting blocs. In addition to examining the overall loyalty of M.P.'s to their party leader, a number of highly salient and critical issues have been singled out for further examination. The findings of this paper prove quite interesting. Contrary to orthodox opinion, we find that the two parties were, in fact, fairly cohesive voting blocs even as early as 1867. The main core of Reid's thesis having been critically reexamined (and somewhat disproved) the writer turns to a critique of several of Reid's other arguments. While the arguments presented by the writer are largely of a speculative nature, their intended purpose is merely to present alternatives to those presented by Reid, and to show that there may be other explanations for the supposed tightening up of party lines after 1878. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis explains why individuals are active in the British Columbia Liberal Party, considering it was finished as a viable force in BC politics following the 1975 election. What are their motivations and incentives, and the factors that govern them, given the party's inability to reward its workers in terms of winning elections? The analysis is conducted using a two-pronged theoretical approach. This approach posits first, that incentives are dependent on, and independent of, the Liberal Party's ends, including its political principles and its goal of being elected. Second, it posits their incentives arise from both personal gain and psychological needs. Using survey data collected from the BC Liberal Party 1987 leadership convention, I demonstrate that activists are inspired by a variety of motivations that are both dependent on, and independent of, the party's ends. Due to their distinct ideological orientation and purposive concerns, the activists would not fit in any other provincial party. Analysis also reveals that there are two groups of Liberal activists—optimists and realists regarding the future success of the party. Paradoxically, the least optimistic are the most involved in party activity, and the most hopeful are the least involved. I demonstrated that closeness to the federal Liberal party influences the realists' activism in the provincial party. The existing literature on incentives for political party activism tends to focus on patronage, ideology and party-related concerns, such as policy, issues, leaders and candidates. As such, it diminishes the importance of psychological motivations. This thesis found the latter played an equally powerful role in governing motivations for political party activism. In this regard, this thesis has contributed to a more comprehensive understanding of party activism. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This paper examines the nature of support for the Reform Party of Canada in the 1993 federal election. First, a general hypothesis of the typical Reform voter is established. This profile is based on an investigation of the party’s historical precedents, the political beliefs of the leader, policies and platforms, and the media portrayal of the Reform party. After establishing the Reform profile, the hypothesis is then compared with data from the 1993 National Election Study (NES). The NES data reflects a wide range of public sentiments, reporting the structure of opinion on many salient public issues. By using the crosstabulation procedure, the extent to which voting Reform is linked with particular sentiments is revealed. The result of this exercise is a confirmation of the Reform profile. Voting Reform was linked to economic liberalism: Reformers are likely to be concerned about the deficit and high taxation, favour freer trade flows, and are likely to cut rather than maintain social programs. Socially and morally, the data confirmed that Reformers are likely to maintain a traditional or conservative position. An exception to this forecast was that one’s position on abortion was irrelevant to voting Reform. As predicted, Reformers are more likely than not to be hostile toward differential treatment for ethnic minorities, and to want decreased levels of immigration. True to the Reform profile, voting Reform was linked to political alienation, but it was also linked to high levels of political interest. In a few areas, the data on demographic variables contradicted the Reform profile: voting Reform was not linked with church membership, nor with a belief in the importance of God. As well, older voters are not more likely to vote Reform, as projected. Overall, the NES data confirms the initial profile of the study and it is concluded that the Reform vote in the 1993 election substantiates the popular image of the party. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Many studies of the British Labour Party have emphasised disputes within the Parliamentary Labour Party and attempted to explain them. There has, however, been no attempt to apply the concept of factionalism, with criteria detailing how a faction might be identified, to a study of the Parliamentary Labour Party over a period of time. It is the aim of this paper to succinctly define the term faction; to establish criteria for the purpose of identifying factions, and to determine to what extent parties to Parliamentary Labour Party disputes could be identified as factions. Prom the definition of a faction employed, six criteria were established, against which to assess a group as a faction. Employing histories of the Labour Party, biographies and autobiographies of contemporary Labour politicians and contemporary newspapers and journals, major disputes during the years 1945-1970 were isolated and examined. It was found that there were four periods of intense Parliamentary Labour Party dispute. Application of the six criteria to groups involved in each dispute showed that four factions could be clearly identified. The policies expounded by three of these factions were identified as left-wing. One faction was identified as of the right-wing of the Labour Party. A number of implications of factionalism in the Parliamentary Labour Party were drawn. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Community Psychology in the Department of Psychology, University of Zululand, South Africa, 2012. / The ‘after tears’ party seems to be a popular occurrence in South African’s urban townships. This study is an exploratory investigation of the urban township communities’ experiences and the meaning of the ‘after tears’ party using a phenomenological approach. The available literature outlined the rituals and practices of various ethnic groups in South Africa and Africa performed in the event of the death of a loved one such as the slaughtering of the beast, the mourning dress, mourning period and the cleansing ceremonies. While some of the death rituals and practices are still adhered to in urban townships of South Africa, others are adapted and new practices have emerged. One such is the practice of the ‘after tears’ party. Within an African context, the dead are regarded as ancestors and they are treated with great respect as they are believed to have a special relationship with the living. Proper rites and ceremonies performed following the death of a loved one reflect this belief. Any deviation from the above could be perceived as a sign of disrespect for the ancestors and bad luck could befall anyone who does not adhere to the stipulated practices. The respondents in this study are South African township dwellers who do not practice strict traditional mourning rituals anymore. Individual respondents and focus groups were interviewed on their experiences and the meaning they attach to the practice of the ‘after tears’ party. Data was analyzed using thematic content analysis. Insights generated from the findings of the current study highlighted the significant perceptions, meanings and feelings about the ‘after tears’ parties. While it is perceived as a celebration, the important functions of this party were indicated as comforting and supporting the bereaved and helping them to cope with the impact of loss of a loved one. On the other hand others condemned the practice as totally disrespectful and that it is insensitive of the people to hold a party while other people are still in mourning. It hurts the bereaved and delays the chances of recovery from grief. The ‘after tears’ party can be an effective coping strategy if it was conducted in a more respectful manner. The respondents’ experiences of the ‘after tears’ party and the meaning attached to it could serve as guidelines to explore the psychological needs of the bereaved in urban societies.

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This study discusses the poltical parties in the United States. The writer concluded that the question whether the US will ever have a multiple party system as is maintained in European countries, can be answered only by time.

No description available.

This thesis aims to examine the Tea Party movement from the context of Richard Hofstadter's writings on the paranoid style in American politics. The findings in this study suggest that the Tea Party is something of a paranoid movement, and it suggests that factors for individual paranoid political behavior within this movement are a result of Evangelical fundamentalism, the uses of social media and algorithmic targeting, anxiety towards outgroups, and the machinations of the modern media. An exploration of the origins of the Tea Party and its impacts on the American political system is conducted in order to define and observe the movement as a modern political phenomenon. This grassroots movement is to a large degree responsible for the Republican Party's continued move towards the far right, and it has caused infighting amongst Congressional Tea Partiers and moderate Republicans for influence within the party. These findings reinforce observations of Republican retrenchment and further leanings to the far right of the American political spectrum. This theory is of value since it offers an understanding of the political phenomena occurring within the Republican Party in the form of the Tea Party and allows the field of Political Science to examine and apply the effects of new forms of communication. Social media and the algorithms applied to individual online activity has grave impacts with regards to predicting political behavior and factors that contribute to the formation of an individual's political beliefs. Concluding theoretical assumptions depict the new forms of mass media as one key factor responsible for altering the way individuals consume and process information thus resulting in the continued rise of far right conservative ideology within the Tea Party. / Master of Arts