The Conservative Government came to power in 2006 on a platform of accountability. One aspect of this platform was the creation of a Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO). The PBO was intended to contribute to a higher level of accountability in government budgeting. This thesis seeks to explain why the PBO was created, what it does, and contemplates whether the PBO has been able to help Parliamentarians hold the Executive to account. In addition, the thesis questions how the PBO itself is held accountable. Finally the study considers potential changes to the PBO and what might become of the PBO after its conspicuous first leader Kevin Page passes from the scene. Minor changes to the PBO’s legislation and placement within the institutions of government may improve the results of the PBO. However, the PBO’s effectiveness, independence and accountability will still depend on the office’s structural characteristics and leadership.

Mainstream studies on Indian politics have delineated the people of India into two categories, variously described as the rich and the poor, the elite and the masses, the bourgeoise and the proletariat, among others. This has resulted in the emergence of a common theme which suggests that a powerful dominant minority have been able to use the forces of social change to subject the masses to a position of weakness. Nowhere else is this more obvious than in studies analysing the politics of tribal people in India, which goes further to suggest that except for a few groups, the rest are politically naive and placid. This study takes issue with such a view by describing the political behaviour of the Mullukurumbas: a tribal group in Nilgiris, South India numbering around 1300. In spite of their low numbers and cumulative wealth - which places them squarely within the category of the so-called exploited - the Mullukurumbas reveal by their actions that they are not social dummies but actors. Analysis of their behaviour shows that they, by discernment of the socio-political contexts and through evaluation and reflection of their relative standing with others, find methods to manoeuvre social change in a direction preferable to them. This study also highlights the following: the fact that mainstream studies on Indian politics has focused attention almost entirely on the terrain of high politics. It sees in it a discrepancy that leads to the emergence of a view, which varying in degrees suggest, an active and powerful strong placing under their domination a subjected and powerless weak. This study stretches the parameters of analysis further into the terrain of low politics where much of the transactions of the weak with the state, society and the strong take place. It shows how valued means of politics - land, money and identity - universally accepted within the context of the political culture in Nilgiris is acquired and conserved by the Mullukurumbas. This study moves beyond the mainstream theorists in describing the politics of tribal people in India today by showing how the actions of the weak are (1) sustained in subtle and well calculated ways in the terrain of low politics and (b) is institutionalised within so called non-political structures such as family and religion. This, in spite of the pressures of change, set in motion (1) by the underlying conflict between the state and society and (2) by the settling in of the strong in niches that emerge in the power structure. By doing so, this study sheds light on the active role of the tribal people, conventionally presented merely as the weak.

The study of history has always been very significant to me. My early and most vivid exposure to the subject occured when I was in grade ten. At the time, I felt that a part of me was disconnected from the content we were taught. I was not able to identify myself with the history narrated in the textbooks. I began to examine history from a critical perspective, and thought about whose history was being taught. Textbooks play a powerful role in the way students understand history and in their cultural and political formation. This study is theoretically framed by critical race theory and post-colonial theory. I compared two ministry approved grade ten history textbooks published under two different governments to examine how the history of non-white minority groups has been represented and integrated into the narrative of the textbooks. I investigated the representation of Black Canadians, Chinese Canadians, Japanese Canadians, Vietnamese Canadians, and South Asian Canadians. Furthermore, I analyzed how the government's educational objectives and their differing agendas intersected with the content in the textbooks. Overall I found that the minority groups I studied were marginalized in the first textbook I looked at, however in the second textbook they were provided much wider representation. / Thesis (Master, Education) -- Queen's University, 2014-05-01 16:11:08.08

The Conservative Government came to power in 2006 on a platform of accountability. One aspect of this platform was the creation of a Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO). The PBO was intended to contribute to a higher level of accountability in government budgeting. This thesis seeks to explain why the PBO was created, what it does, and contemplates whether the PBO has been able to help Parliamentarians hold the Executive to account. In addition, the thesis questions how the PBO itself is held accountable. Finally the study considers potential changes to the PBO and what might become of the PBO after its conspicuous first leader Kevin Page passes from the scene. Minor changes to the PBO’s legislation and placement within the institutions of government may improve the results of the PBO. However, the PBO’s effectiveness, independence and accountability will still depend on the office’s structural characteristics and leadership.

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The aim of this thesis is to examine conflict management in the Barisan Nasional from 1974 to 1999. The core of the study focuses on the conflict management during the seat allocation process in elections and the allocation of cabinet posts at federal government level and state Exco level in Penang and Kedah. To elaborate on these two focal points, five main objectives aimed at uncovering the contributing factors to the Barisan Nasional's stability and solidarity to continue ruling a multiethnic society. A total of 28 political figures in the BN and two from opponent parties were identified as interviewees. Results of this study revealed that the Barisan Nasional employed its own, unique approach in handling conflicts. Firstly, Power-sharing shows that the Barisan Nasional applies a formula for seat allocation using three stringent processes to ensure that each of its components receives a fair allocation of seats commensurate with the performance and strength of the party. For the allocation of cabinet and Exco posts, each party is provided with the opportunity and position to hold the post, so that each component party would have an avenue of participation in the development of policies and direction of the national administration. Secondly, the principles practised within the Barisan Nasional, which includes decision-making procedures, the representativeness and confidentiality of discussions on seat allocation and Cabinet/Exco post allocation, are confined only to the main elite groups of the component parties. The involvement and knowledge of other party members, especially those at branch and divisional levels, are extremely limited and restricted in these areas. Thirdly, in the process of allocating seats and Cabinet/Exco posts, some bargaining inevitably takes place, usually by two parties, namely a component party of the Barisan Nasional and an NGO. There are four factors contributing to this bargaining. The scope of this bargaining also involves four areas. Fourthly, the management of conflict in seat and Cabinet/Exco post allocations demonstrates that the Barisan Nasional continuously faces various challenges from time to time. Seven different challenges are outlined, and these often pose as elements that threaten the strength and stability of the Barisan Nasional. The control of these elements is important in ensuring that the Barisan Nasional continues to be sound and stable, whilst failure would put the Barisan Nasional in a quagmire of difficulties in continuing to defend its power. Finally to manage the conflict on seat and Cabinet/Exco post allocations, the Barisan Nasional applies four levels of review. At each level, the conflict is assessed and analysed to ensure that if can be handled well and comprehensively to the satisfaction and justice of all parties involved. In addition, the Barisan Nasional also practises five approaches in managing these conflicts. The study findings provide a comprehensive documentation of the techniques applied by the BN in managing conflicts, and it is hoped that it would describe to the public how each party played its role in maintaining political stability whilst serving as guidelines to countries facing interethnic conflict.

Since the end of the 2nd World War, we have witnessed a tremendous amount of world trade expansion. This has been in part caused by the favourable international trading environment provided by the public good, the GATT, aided by the politico-economic hegemony of the United States of America. Korea took advantage of this favourable situation by pursuing an economic development strategy of export-led growth. As the US hegemony began to decline, the formation of a multipolar system based upon regional blocs, has given a new dimension to Korea's international trade. In EU-ROK economic relations, regionalism and globalization of world trade has brought Korea both challenges and opportunities. The case study of Korea's leading electronics firms clearly suggests the requirement for the maintenance of a physical presence through FDI to conduct business successfully in the European market. The new international, politico-economic order obliges firms outside a regional body to locate marketing, manufacturing or even product development within the territories of a regional economic group to avoid NTBS such as anti-dumping. Economic interaction between the European Union, a giant of regionalism with potential economic power and the Republic of Korea, a forerunner among newly industrialized nations, highly vulnerable to outer setting, seems to be regulated by rules and norms, like the pendulum moving between the two extremes of protectionism and a free, liberal trading environment. The study attempts to show that Korea's exports to the EU market will increase more and more as the pendulum moves toward the free trade logic based upon multilateralism. In order accurately to analyse the EU-Korean economic relationship, a better understanding of regionalism and globalization of World trade should be added to the existing literature on the international political economy (Realism, Liberalism, Marxism). The general assumption of the study is based upon economic liberalism which puts much focus on economic efficiency. As a model of deep economic integration, whether the European Union is strongly committed to multilateralism or resorts to protectionist trade regimes such as anti-dumping, quantitative restrictions, or local content rules, will be a major determinant of EU-Korea trade interaction in the future because Korea will continually pursue economic development with export-oriented characteristics. The maximization of EU-ROK economic exchanges will be achieved only when the world trading system is committed to multilateralism under the WTO in general, and the EU's pursuit of open regionalism to reduce NTBs against the ROK in particular. Of course, Korea should make reciprocal efforts further to liberalize and deregulate its trade regimes by opening more markets to foreign products. Korea's active pursuit of globalization and localization strategies to penetrate into the EU market is a prerequisite for a continuous rapid growth of the Korean economy.

The Korean overseas construction industry played a significant role in enabling Korea to make a spectacular leap from being one of the world's poorest countries in the early 1960s to become one of the newly industrialising countries by the early 1980s. The overseas construction industry's contribution to the Korean economy was particularly pronounced in the 1970s. Korea's balance of payments rapidly deteriorated in the early 1970s, as she had to pay much higher prices for raw materials to continue implementing her principal economic development strategy of processing and assembling imported raw materials and components for exports. In addition, Korea had to pay back the loans that had been taken out in the 1960s. To prevent increasing deficits in the balance of payments and to sustain Korea's rapid economic growth, the government needed a good source of foreign currency supply. To lessen her serious problem in the balance of payments, Korea needed a strategy to earn foreign currency while discouraging an excessive spending on imports. The solution was centred around exporting manpower. Fortunately, Korea had an industry that seemed as if it were designed to solve her faced economic problems: the Korean overseas construction industry, exporting manpower to overseas sites, could earn her immediately needed hard currency. Thus, the Middle East construction boom meant much to the Korean economic development. The contribution of the Korean overseas construction to her economy is as follows: improving the balance of payments, increasing national income, reducing unemployment, spurring corporate internationalisation, improving technical know-how, encouraging manpower development, increasing domestic investment, promoting related industries, and helping Government establish diplomacy with the Third World nonaligned nations. Of course, there were negative sides such as inflation and high increase of wages. However the loss was minor compared to the gain. The Korean overseas construction, in many ways, influenced not only the Korean economy but also the society: it gave her people incentives to look outwards and confidence in being a member of the international society.

The aim of this thesis is to study the political changes in Oman from 1970 with the focus on the transition towards democracy. The core issue is the change from the policy of the previous sultan, who banned the participation of the nation and oppressed it. This led the country to civil war, isolation and the end of the regime. The current sultan, who launched a coup against his father in 1970, adopted various changes in areas such as the economy, politics and infrastructure, and allowed the people to run the country. The important changes were the process of democratisation in Oman, which is discussed in the context both of democratic theory, and change in the South. The thesis will offer an overview of democratic political theory, an account of political change in the South in general, and in the Middle East region in particular. The focus on Oman will seek to answer three questions: when did the process of democratisation begin; why was it begun, and how has it been managed? The core of the argument will look at the creation of formal institutions of democracy, such as the Majlis Ash-Shura (Consultative Council), and the State Council, and informal institutions, such as the media, the Chamber of Commerce, the Businessmen's Council, Sablat Alarab (the Arab Council Web Site), and the role of leading individuals in the democratic debate. These changes led the current sultan to receive internal and extemallegitimacy. Omani citizens are now aware of the development in other parts of the world and they will force the current sultan to add further changes. He should respond positively in order to remain in power.