This discussion argues that the United States-Pakistan alliance of 1954 emerged because American strategic concerns for the Middle East, arising in the aftermath of the Korean War and based upon a recognition of Britain's declining ability to defend the region, coincided with Pakistan's strategic needs as a newlyindependent nation. The United States believed that Pakistan-a moderate Islamic nation, situated on the eastern flank of the Middle East, and ideologically inclined toward the West-could assist Western efforts to protect the Middle East from Soviet influence, penetration, or attack. This discussion further argues that the United States only brought Pakistan into the Western strategic network when a series of events made it seem that Asia would be the next battleground for the Cold War and after it was clear that if containment were to be extended to South Asia, Pakistan was the only choice available. Pakistan's persistent and sophisticated courtship of the United States differed greatly from India's efforts to remain neutral in the Cold War. And this discussion argues that the alliance was consistent with the broader policies of both the Truman and Eisenhower administrations and that it stemmed not from American interests in South Asia but from Washington's global strategic efforts to contain the Soviet Union. Consequently, the United States-Pakistan alliance was not the result of American attempts to "contain" or dominate India, of Anglo-American competition over the subcontinent and the Middle East, or of American efforts to establish economic hegemony over South Asia. Indeed, as the United States' fears for Middle Eastern security subsided, so did its commitment to the alliance with Pakistan.

This discussion argues that the United States-Pakistan alliance of 1954 emerged because American strategic concerns for the Middle East, arising in the aftermath of the Korean War and based upon a recognition of Britain's declining ability to defend the region, coincided with Pakistan's strategic needs as a newlyindependent nation. The United States believed that Pakistan-a moderate Islamic nation, situated on the eastern flank of the Middle East, and ideologically inclined toward the West-could assist Western efforts to protect the Middle East from Soviet influence, penetration, or attack. This discussion further argues that the United States only brought Pakistan into the Western strategic network when a series of events made it seem that Asia would be the next battleground for the Cold War and after it was clear that if containment were to be extended to South Asia, Pakistan was the only choice available. Pakistan's persistent and sophisticated courtship of the United States differed greatly from India's efforts to remain neutral in the Cold War. And this discussion argues that the alliance was consistent with the broader policies of both the Truman and Eisenhower administrations and that it stemmed not from American interests in South Asia but from Washington's global strategic efforts to contain the Soviet Union. Consequently, the United States-Pakistan alliance was not the result of American attempts to "contain" or dominate India, of Anglo-American competition over the subcontinent and the Middle East, or of American efforts to establish economic hegemony over South Asia. Indeed, as the United States' fears for Middle Eastern security subsided, so did its commitment to the alliance with Pakistan. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006. / AD-A451 350. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83).

From 2004 to the present the United States Government has employed drones for cross-border law enforcement purposes in the sovereign territory of Pakistan. Various opinions exist as to whether the US is justified in its intrusion into the territory of another sovereign state. Matters regarding to both the integrity of territorial sovereignty and the use of force by a foreign country within the sovereign domain of another state are confirmed by both customary and treaty law. The United States and Pakistan are both parties to the two treaties that enshrine the principle of sovereignty - the UN Charter and the Chicago Convention of 1944. Drones are being used increasingly by governments and private individuals for a host of reasons, ranging from military aggression to aerial recreation. They fulfil various military and useful other tasks, with the result that they are becoming increasingly indispensable. But, as with all technological innovations, the beneficial aspects of these inventions are counterbalanced by the aggressive and destructive use that can be made of them. Some see the employment of drones for military purposes, such as the elimination of terrorist leaders linked to Al Qaeda in Pakistan, as preferable to whole scale destructive warfare. By the same token though, the argument can be made that the reasoning offered to justify intrusions into the sovereign territory of another state is insubstantial to the point of being dispensable and that the abuse of drones as weapons on these insubstantial grounds thereby becomes a real threat to civilised society and to international peace and security. The purpose - and burden - of this study are to debate the legality and the justifications for the use of drones for law enforcement (seemingly military) purposes by the United States in the sovereign territory of Pakistan. A clear view of the permissibility and legality of this campaign in Pakistan is of considerable consequence to other countries that could find their sovereignty compromised. Two essential ‘tools’ used to establish legal clarity in this matter are the Chicago Convention of 1944 and the UN Charter of 1945. The relevant provisions of these international agreements will therefore be studied in detail. Both these conventions were signed by Pakistan and the United States, and both contain provisions protecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of states. Reference will additionally be made to the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties in order to interpret the provisions of the Chicago Convention which is viewed by some as appropriate to regulate drone warfare. The writer intends to use this Convention to show that the applicability of the Chicago Convention may be open to dispute and that, instead, cross-border drone operations and the protection of aerial sovereignty depend on the purport of article 2(4) of the UN Charter and the customary principle of aerial sovereignty. Therefore, the need to thoroughly examine and understand the concepts of the so-called ‘war on terror’ and the principle of preemptive self-defence is considered critical for the purpose in hand, as the United States uses these elements as justification for their infringement of Pakistani sovereign territory and their cross-border use of force in drone operations. These matters will, therefore, receive appropriate attention by reference to the relevant provisions in the UN Charter as well as the principles set out in international case law dealing with the subject matter. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / gm2015 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM / Unrestricted

This thesis examines through the use of archives and oral evidence the role of the Pakistan Army in the context of Pakistan’s domestic politics and foreign policy. Its main purpose is to explore the autonomy of the Pakistan Army in shaping national and foreign policy between the years 1947-1965. Focusing on its independent relationship with three instruments of policy-making in the United States – the Department of State, the White House and the Pentagon – the thesis argues that the relationship between the Army and these policy-making bodies arose from a synergistic commonality of interests. The Americans needed a country on the periphery of the Soviet Union to contain Communism while the Pakistan Army needed US military support to check Indian regional military hegemonism in South Asia. This alliance was secured to the disadvantage of democratic political institutions of Pakistan. The Army, which became stronger as a result of US military and economic support, came progressively to dominate domestic politics. This led not only to weakened civilian governments in the period I am examining, but in 1958 to the military seizure of political control of the country itself. The infringement of the Army into civilian spheres of government further caused a deterioration in relations between East and West Pakistan. The increasing clout of a US-backed Army whose elite officers had a bias against the eastern wing of the country, the thesis argues, thus indirectly resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan itself. To explain the Army’s ascendancy its transformation from British colonial army into a national political actor, is documented. The thesis explores the influence of the martial-race theory and of Punjabisation in the Army as it developed in the colonial era. Secondly, it reconstructs how provincial politics weakened the Federal Government and allowed the Army to usurp political power to a disproportionate degree. Thirdly, the thesis considers the extent to which the US-Army relationship influenced and even took precedence over decision-making within the government itself. It details the military pacts made between the two countries to contain the USSR in this period. Finally, it explores where and how the interests of the US and Pakistan Army diverged, in particular concerning their respective relations with India. The complications arising in Indo-Pakistan relations in consequence of an abrupt tilt of the US towards India after the Sino-Indian war in 1962 are also examined. In reaction to this new Indo-US nexus, it is argued the Pakistani military junta leaned towards China and in 1965 endeavoured to make use of it advanced, US-supplied weaponry before – as they saw it – the strategic balance was to be irrecoverably lost in favour of India. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the period under consideration saw a complete failure of the US policy of containing communism whilst at the same time avoiding war between its allies in the region, and that this had tragic consequences for the future of democracy in Pakistan.