Many scholars claim that Pentecostalism is the fastest growing religious phenomenon in human history. Using two important essays of Max Weber as a foundation, this thesis examines whether growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America is promoting the Protestant Ethic described by Weber as well as Social Capital and Spiritual Capital. Analyzing data from the World Values Survey, this thesis argues that growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America is not creating a new Protestant Ethic among its followers, nor is Pentecostalism creating any greater Social Capital or Spiritual Capital among its followers when compared to other religious groups in the region. This thesis argues that the strong emotional character of Pentecostalism weighs against the creation or Social Capital and Spiritual Capital and that the tendency of Pentecostals to find assurance of their salvation in emotional experience does not promote the frugality or rationalization of work necessary for the Protestant Ethic.

Esta tese investiga a recente mobilização política dos evangélicos no Brasil. Seu objetivo é analisar certas suposições encontradas na literatura sobre o crescimento evangélico (sobretudo pentecostal) e seu impacto político na América Latina e, em particular, no Brasil. Essas suposições dizem respeito à relação estabelecida entre político evangélico e eleitor; ao crescimento da presença evangélica nos legislativos brasileiros; à «força» eleitoral dos candidatos evangélicos e das igrejas pentecostais; e ao apoio de eleitores evangélicos a candidatos que sinalizam a mesma religião. Para realizar esse objetivo, a tese se apoia em revisão da literatura relevante, na construção de um novo banco de dados de candidaturas evangélicas para o legislativo no Brasil (1998-2014) e na realização de um experimento de survey com estudantes universitários da cidade de São Paulo. Os dados são analisados por meio de estatística descritiva, modelos de regressão OLS e logística. Os resultados revelam um quadro mais complexo sobre a atuação política evangélica do que a literatura costuma supor. As afirmações sobre a suposta atuação clientelista dos deputados evangélicos, conquanto não necessariamente equivocadas, não encontram apoio na produção de leis do estado de São Paulo. Entre 1998 e 2014, o número de candidaturas evangélicas para a Câmara dos Deputados e para as Assembleias Legislativas aumentou em termos absolutos, mas se manteve estável em termos relativos. O número de evangélicos eleitos aumentou no período, mas permanece inferior à proporção de evangélicos na população brasileira. Os deputados evangélicos são, cada vez mais, provenientes de igrejas pentecostais que adotam o modelo de representação corporativa. O apoio dessas igrejas a seus «candidatos oficiais» produz um efeito positivo sobre seu desempenho eleitoral mesmo controlando por fatores como gasto de campanha, incumbência, partido, entre outros. Porém, a despeito das suposições de apoio irrestrito dos fiéis a candidatos de suas igrejas, o sucesso eleitoral das igrejas pentecostais é menor do que se assevera. Por fim, o uso de pistas religiosas por parte de candidatos evangélicos só tem efeito positivo sobre os eleitores evangélicos condicionado ao tamanho da oferta de candidatos. Por outro lado, tem efeito negativo sobre outros grupos religiosos, sobretudo num cenário com apenas dois candidatos. / This thesis investigates the recent political-electoral mobilization of Evangelicals in Brazil. Its aim is to analyze certain assumptions found in the literature on Evangelical (and specially Pentecostal) growth and its political impact in Brazil and Latin America. These assumptions concern the relationship established between Evangelical politicians and voters; the growth of Evangelical presence in Brazilian legislatures; the electoral «force» of Evangelical candidates and Pentecostal churches; and the support of Evangelical voters to candidates who signal the same religion. In order to achieve this objective, the thesis is based on a review of the relevant literature, the construction of a new database of Evangelical candidacies for the Brazilian legislatures (1998-2014) and the conducting of a survey experiment with undergraduate students from the city of São Paulo. The data are analyzed through descriptive statistics, OLS regression models and logistic regression models. The results reveal a more complex picture of Evangelical political activity than the literature usually presumes. The statements about the supposed clientelistic performance of Evangelical legislators, if not necessarily mistaken, do not find support in the law making of the state of São Paulo. Between 1998 and 2014, the number of Evangelical candidates to the Chamber of Deputies and to the Legislative Assemblies increased in absolute terms, but remained relatively stable. The number of elected Evangelicals has increased in the period, but remains below the proportion of Evangelicals in the Brazilian population. Evangelical deputies are increasingly coming from Pentecostal churches that adopt the model of corporate representation. The support of these churches to their \"official candidates\" has a positive effect on their electoral performance even if controlling for factors such as campaign spending, incumbency, party, among others. However, despite assumptions of unrestricted support from the faithful to candidates from their churches, the electoral success of Pentecostal churches is lesser than what is asserted. Finally, the use of religious cues by Evangelical candidates only has a positive effect on Evangelical voters conditioned by the size of the candidates\' offer. On the other hand, it has a negative effect on other religious groups, especially in a scenario with only two candidates.

This thesis explored the health practices and religious beliefs of the recent Soviet Pentecostal refugee population in the Portland, Oregon metro area. The methodology consisted of 25 in-depth interviews over a period of twelve months. Soviet Pentecostal refugees' health practices are influenced by their religious belief system which is Pentecostalism. The four primary factors that were found to have an affect on the refugees' health were lifestyle practices; coherence; or the meaning of suffering that religion provides; cohesiveness, or group belonging to the religious community, and world view provided by the underlying theology. The language barrier, distrust of outsiders, unfamiliarity with their belief system, and a limited understanding of their experiences of persecution may limit effective health care by professionals.

The problems of Russian speaking refugees from the Ukraine region of the former Soviet Union are the basis for ethnographic inquiry and the delineation of the role of voluntary agencies who assist their resettlement in Portland, Oregon. Interpretive methods are the foundation for an analysis of Ukrainians' perceptions of problems inherent in the migration and communication process. Though their reasons for emigration are understood, techniques of participant observation reveal otherwise hidden aspects of the effect of bilingualism and Ukrainians' perception of the role of resettlement agencies as representatives of the state. The intention of the research is to contribute to the field of anthropological study of social issues and refugee resettlement. In the aim of conflict resolution, the research focus seeks to improve communication between those in authority and those subordinate to the prerogative of immigration law. / Graduation date: 1994

Thesis (Ph. D. in Religion)--Vanderbilt University, May 2010. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

American minister John Graham Lake (1870-1935) was a pivotal participant in an era of profound religious and political transition. Surprisingly, Lake's often provocative life had previously been largely neglected as a field of academic inquiry. In the U.S. Lake associated with key Holiness, Wesleyan and Apostolic Faith charismatics like John Alexander Dowie of the Zion City, Illinois Utopia, Charles Parham of the Topeka Revival and William Seymour of the Azusa Street Revival. Lake served as an important intermediary between Parham's often reactionary, white orientation that was unreceptive to an enthusiastic black liturgy and Seymour's expansive African-American egalitarianism expressed through exuberant spirit manifestations. Lake's South African ministry was shaped by his middle class white business background, Azusa Street message and American perspectives. He brought together the faith healing movement inspired by Dutch Reformed minister Andrew Murray, P. Ie Roux's black and white Zion charismatic adherents affiliated with Dowie and the new U.S. Pentecostalism of Parham and Seymour. Lake's African-American influenced Pentecostalism was compatible with indigenous African worship. His emphasis on the spiritual needs of the disempowered found a receptive audience in talented black evangelists Elias Letwaba and Edward Lion. Even though acquainted with Mohandas Gandhi, Lake did not undertake a South African social gospel-type civil protest against societal injustice. In fact, Lake's participation with Afrikaner politicians like Louis Botha in fashioning a segregationist land use law was most troubling. Lake was ambivalent about racial integration. His belief in an egalitarian status for all Christians, his Populist/Progressive ethics and his enthusiastic promotion of women's rights were complicated by his advocacy, or at least tolerance, of some disparate racial treatment in his Apostolic Faith Mission and South African society at large. Lake's paternalism and notion of Westem cultural superiority conflicted with his love of all persons. Lake's otherworldly prioritization of individual spiritualism over a socioeconomic agenda usually stymied activism. His uncharacteristic use of nonviolent protest to protect faith healing formed a remarkable contrast with his reluctance to actively campaign against unequal racial treatment in Africa and America. Historiographical perspectives on Lake range from the saintly pioneer charismatic missionary to the Elmer Gantry type charlatan acting only for personal benefit. Lake was a unique personality with his flamboyant rhetoric, strong convictions and feelings of personal worth. His distinctive Jesus as healing and suffering God theology evidenced both consistency with precedent as well as creative anticipation. Shortcomings resulting from his preference to address social concerns on an individual spiritual rather than societal level, his liberties with truth and his bad business judgments resulting in litigation. Nevertheless, Lake's life demonstrated that a gifted but imperfect instrument could accomplish a meaningful ministry. / Adobe Acrobat Pro 9.5.4 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

Esta tese investiga a recente mobilização política dos evangélicos no Brasil. Seu objetivo é analisar certas suposições encontradas na literatura sobre o crescimento evangélico (sobretudo pentecostal) e seu impacto político na América Latina e, em particular, no Brasil. Essas suposições dizem respeito à relação estabelecida entre político evangélico e eleitor; ao crescimento da presença evangélica nos legislativos brasileiros; à «força» eleitoral dos candidatos evangélicos e das igrejas pentecostais; e ao apoio de eleitores evangélicos a candidatos que sinalizam a mesma religião. Para realizar esse objetivo, a tese se apoia em revisão da literatura relevante, na construção de um novo banco de dados de candidaturas evangélicas para o legislativo no Brasil (1998-2014) e na realização de um experimento de survey com estudantes universitários da cidade de São Paulo. Os dados são analisados por meio de estatística descritiva, modelos de regressão OLS e logística. Os resultados revelam um quadro mais complexo sobre a atuação política evangélica do que a literatura costuma supor. As afirmações sobre a suposta atuação clientelista dos deputados evangélicos, conquanto não necessariamente equivocadas, não encontram apoio na produção de leis do estado de São Paulo. Entre 1998 e 2014, o número de candidaturas evangélicas para a Câmara dos Deputados e para as Assembleias Legislativas aumentou em termos absolutos, mas se manteve estável em termos relativos. O número de evangélicos eleitos aumentou no período, mas permanece inferior à proporção de evangélicos na população brasileira. Os deputados evangélicos são, cada vez mais, provenientes de igrejas pentecostais que adotam o modelo de representação corporativa. O apoio dessas igrejas a seus «candidatos oficiais» produz um efeito positivo sobre seu desempenho eleitoral mesmo controlando por fatores como gasto de campanha, incumbência, partido, entre outros. Porém, a despeito das suposições de apoio irrestrito dos fiéis a candidatos de suas igrejas, o sucesso eleitoral das igrejas pentecostais é menor do que se assevera. Por fim, o uso de pistas religiosas por parte de candidatos evangélicos só tem efeito positivo sobre os eleitores evangélicos condicionado ao tamanho da oferta de candidatos. Por outro lado, tem efeito negativo sobre outros grupos religiosos, sobretudo num cenário com apenas dois candidatos. / This thesis investigates the recent political-electoral mobilization of Evangelicals in Brazil. Its aim is to analyze certain assumptions found in the literature on Evangelical (and specially Pentecostal) growth and its political impact in Brazil and Latin America. These assumptions concern the relationship established between Evangelical politicians and voters; the growth of Evangelical presence in Brazilian legislatures; the electoral «force» of Evangelical candidates and Pentecostal churches; and the support of Evangelical voters to candidates who signal the same religion. In order to achieve this objective, the thesis is based on a review of the relevant literature, the construction of a new database of Evangelical candidacies for the Brazilian legislatures (1998-2014) and the conducting of a survey experiment with undergraduate students from the city of São Paulo. The data are analyzed through descriptive statistics, OLS regression models and logistic regression models. The results reveal a more complex picture of Evangelical political activity than the literature usually presumes. The statements about the supposed clientelistic performance of Evangelical legislators, if not necessarily mistaken, do not find support in the law making of the state of São Paulo. Between 1998 and 2014, the number of Evangelical candidates to the Chamber of Deputies and to the Legislative Assemblies increased in absolute terms, but remained relatively stable. The number of elected Evangelicals has increased in the period, but remains below the proportion of Evangelicals in the Brazilian population. Evangelical deputies are increasingly coming from Pentecostal churches that adopt the model of corporate representation. The support of these churches to their \"official candidates\" has a positive effect on their electoral performance even if controlling for factors such as campaign spending, incumbency, party, among others. However, despite assumptions of unrestricted support from the faithful to candidates from their churches, the electoral success of Pentecostal churches is lesser than what is asserted. Finally, the use of religious cues by Evangelical candidates only has a positive effect on Evangelical voters conditioned by the size of the candidates\' offer. On the other hand, it has a negative effect on other religious groups, especially in a scenario with only two candidates.

Since the evaluation of sect to non-sect presumably involve a change of values and beliefs of its members, the problem and purpose of this study was to introduce a set of instruments which would adequately measure the values and beliefs of the first generation and the second generation Assembly of God members, and to detect any significant differences of values and beliefs.

No description available.

A exacerbação da beligerância contra as religiões afro-brasileiras, seus adeptos e símbolos, é uma das faces do pentecostalismo que nas últimas duas décadas e meia tem ganho amplo destaque no debate público brasileiro. Blogueiros e jornalistas, militantes do movimento negro e de outros movimentos sociais, assim como delegados, advogados, juízes, sociólogos e antropólogos têm participado ativamente desse fenômeno que já possui agenda própria de investigação nas ciências sociais desde a década de 1990. Observar como os cientistas sociais abordaram este tema até o final da década de 2000 e analisar um estudo de caso, também ocorrido no final desta década, são os principais empreendimentos que esta investigação visa realizar. Para tanto, construo no corpo deste trabalho duas partes inter-relacionadas que analisam algumas faces deste tema de pesquisa que ficou conhecido como \"o conflito entre adeptos das religiões pentecostais e afro-brasileiras\" na esfera pública brasileira. Na primeira parte desta investigação, constituída na forma de um balanço teórico, procuro apresentar como os termos \"guerra santa\" e \"intolerância religiosa\" são centrais nos principais trabalhos que versaram sobre o tema ou o tangenciaram de tal forma que contribuíram para a constituição desse fenômeno com uma agenda própria. Na segunda parte desta investigação tomo como objeto privilegiado de pesquisa um estudo de caso exemplar do conflito entre pentecostais e religiões afro-brasileiras, ocorrido em junho de 2008 na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, quando quatro jovens \"invadem\" um centro espírita no bairro do Catete, suscitando amplo debate sobre o tema, que tem na prática discursiva dos mais diversos atores sociais a presença constante dos termos \"intolerância religiosa\", \"liberdade religiosa\" e \"liberdade de expressão religiosa\" / The exacerbation of belligerence against afro-brazilian religions, their churchgoers and symbols, is one of the faces of pentecostalism in the past two and half decades has ample prominence in brazilian public debate. Bloggers and journalists, militant black movement and other social movements, as well as delegates, lawyers, judges, sociologists and anthropologists have actively participated in this phenomenon that already gets its own research agenda in the social sciences since the 1990s. Investigate how social scientists have addressed this phenomenon until the late 2000s and analyze a case study are the main projects that this research aims to accomplish. To do so, this work get two interdependent parties who seek to analyze some faces of this theme of research that became known as \"the conflict between adherents of pentecostal and afro-brazilian religions\" in the brazilian public sphere. In the first part of this investigation, constituted as a state-of-the-art, I try to make it clear that the terms \"guerra santa\" and \"religious intolerance\" are central to the principal investigations of around the theme, which contributed to the establishment of this phenomenon with its own research agenda in the social sciences . In the second part of this research, I take as a privileged object of research a case study example of the conflict between pentecostals and afro-brazilian religions occurred in June 2008 in the city of Rio de Janeiro, when four young \"invade\" a spiritualist center in Catete, generating widespread debate on the issue, which has in the discursive practice of many social actors the centrality of the terms \"religious intolerance\", \"religious liberty\" and \"freedom of religious expression\"