This research is about using the term ¡§realism¡¨ to study on the relationship across the Taiwan straits. After the Gulf War, Mainland China has started the revolutions in military affairs. Their think of military strategy was from ¡§Conquer Limited Way¡¨ to ¡§Conquer High Technology Limited Way¡¨. The People¡¦s Liberation Army has become more modernized, buying fighter planes, missiles, on board radar, electronic war equipment from foreign countries, and they also have developed J-10 fighters, mid and long range ballistic missile. The People¡¦s Liberation Army will finish the first step of the revolutions in military affairs in 2005, by that time SU-27 and SU-30 will be fully capable for combat. J-10 will began mass production and then Mainland China will have the ability to assault Taiwan. The military power will become unbalance across the Taiwan Straits. When the revolution in military affairs is completed by People¡¦s Liberation Army, People¡¦s Liberation Army will be fully trained for combat, which includes electronic warfare equipment, Air Combat Command, fighter planes, pilots, on-board equipment, missile etc. With the economic take-off Mainland China has increased their defense budget every year. Under this condition the military power can decide the stabilization of the Taiwan Strait. In order to balance the power military of People¡¦s Liberation Army, Taiwan has to purchase long range detect radar, electronic equipment and PAC III missile. According to the view of ¡§security dilemma¡¨ both side of Taiwan Strait have to purchase modern weapons from foreign country to defence itself, this in turn drives to arm race. So Taiwan has to use its advantages, such as the quality of pilot and performed fighter planes. to face the People¡¦s Liberation Army. For national security Taiwan should concern on the mid and long term Unmanned Combat Air Vehicle (UCAV) and long term weapon development program.

Cette thèse montre que la violence a suivi une géographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours de la deuxième guerre civile au Sud Soudan. Elle n'a par conséquent pas affecté les Sud Soudanais de manière uniforme, en particulier les femmes. Dans les zones contrôlées par le SPLA (Sudan People 's Liberation Army), la guérilla entretenait une relation essentiellement extractive avec les civils, en particulier avec les femmes. Même si la guérilla essaya de limiter les violations des droits de l'homme, elle instrumentalisa et marchandisa néanmoins les femmes pour soutenir sa lutte. Elle créa aussi, à terme, de nouvelles classes sociales, grâce à l'expansion des liens de parenté. L'inclusion des femmes au sein du SPLM/A confirma la marchandisation des femmes et la formation de nouvelles classes sociales. Le SPLA ne remit pas en cause les structures sociales du Sud Soudan, et les femmes participèrent à la lutte essentiellement dans des rôles de soutien au combat. Néanmoins, la guérilla créa une élite féminine à travers les liens de parenté. Cette nouvelle élite féminine agrandit son statut au milieu des années 1990 grâce à la démocratisation du mouvement, à son accès aux arènes internationales favorables au SPLA, et à l'expansion du rôle des femmes dans les processus de paix. Après la guerre, les différences sociales entre les femmes furent amplifiées par la constitution de l'Etat semi-autonome. Le comportement des troupes du SPLA pendant la guerre influença par la suite les nouvelles structures de pouvoir et, combiné à l'accès nouveau aux ressources de l'Etat, il participa à la consolidation des classes sociales. / This dissertation illustrates that violence followed a particular geography and timeline during the second civil war in Southern Sudan. Therefore it did not affect Southerners, and women in particular, uniformly. In the SPLA-held areas, the guerilla had a mostly extractive relationship with civilians and particularly women. Although it tried to curb human right abuses, the guerilla still instrumentalized and commodified women to support its struggle and to ultimately create new social classes through the expansion of kinship ties. The inclusion of women in the SPLM/A continued to demonstrate women's commodification and the formation of new social classes. Given its superficial and circumstantial Marxism ideology, the SPLA did not question the Southern Sudanese social structures, and women supported the struggle mostly in combat-support roles. Nevertheless, the guerilla created a female elite through kinship ties. This new female elite expanded its status in the mid-1990s, thanks to the movement's democratization and to their access to international arenas that were favorable to the SPLA and to expanding women's roles in peacemaking. After the war, social difference between women were amplified through the formation of the semi-autonomous state. The legacy of the SPLA troops behavior during the war influenced new power structures and, combined with access to new state resources, consolidate social classes.