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The thesis proposes the analytical review on how the Baltic States, namely, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia perceive Russia as a threat to their national security by addressing and evaluating the main changes in their security policies. To analyze the changes and differences in their perception, the securitization theory is applied. Following the most recent changes in the security environment in Europe, starting from the Ukraine crisis and annexation of Crimea in 2014, supplementary theoretic concept such as security dilemma is used for better understanding of the challenges that the Baltic States/NATO - Russia relations face. The main goal of this thesis is to provide a detailed overview of how Russian interference in Ukraine's domestic affairs, created a sense of anxiety in the Eastern Europe and affected security sectors of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia. Keywords: the Baltic States, Russia, Ukraine Crisis, Securitization theory, Security Dilemma, NATO

The aim of this thesis to high lights the Afghanistan complex situation and itsimplications on Pakistan. Though out the history, Afghanistan complex situation andweak government create a security threat for Pakistan. Since the late 1970s Afghanistanhad suffered brutal civil war in addition to foreign interventions in the form of the 1979Soviet invasion and the 2001 U.S. invasion. Pakistan is significantly and directly affectedby the foreign invasion in Afghanistan. Pakistan is facing a variety of security threats; aninternal threat, an Indian threat, and the threat from Afghanistan. In order to comprehendPakistan's security dilemma, it is necessary to start our discussion with analyze theAfghanistan geographically importance, foreign intervention in Afghanistan, pak-afghanrelation, Pakistan’s foreign policies towards Afghanistan, the resistance movement andrefugee problems, and then evaluate the security situation. Admittedly, the India factorcannot be ignored in studying Pakistan's security dilemma.

A central paradox in neorealism is that the absence of world government is assumed to imply a dangerous security dilemma, and yet few realists have argued in favor of world government while great powers have historically resisted delegation of military force to supranational institutions. If international anarchy causes costly security competition and war, powerful states should have a strong incentive to unify and neorealist explanations for why states resist peaceful unification are either underdeveloped or implicit. This paper develops a rational choice realist model which suggests that anarchy is not a structural constraint which forces states to compete intensely for power, but a rational choice that state leaders make to avoid the costs of world government. The model assumes that state leaders face a delegation constraint which implies a tradeoff between eliminating the military burden necessary to deter attacks in anarchy, and abstain from world government to avoid forced redistribution of material resources pushed by poorer states or risk that the world government might turn tyrannical and coerce the subjects it has been mandated to protect. The paper uses deductive method to deduce actor preferences and illustrate the plausibility of the central predictions of the model. The model predicts that income equality, democratization, nationalism and military defensive advantage makes anarchy stable, a condition under which states have little reason to unify. On the other hand, high income inequality, lack of democratic accountability, territorial revisionism, and military offensive advantage make anarchy costly, but unification more difficult to achieve given the underlying conflicting preferences. Hence, states rather take the risk of fighting in hopes of eliminating future military competition than to agree on a world government where redistribution and cultural conflicts are likely to make wealthy great powers with modest population sizes worse off than they would be in anarchy. The paper concludes that anarchy is not a tragedy that makes world government impossible, but world government is a potential tragedy that makes anarchy rational.

This paper argues that a State can reconstruct it’s own politics in such a way that allows for more reliance on conflict resolving international organizations and institutions and can reduce the need for military force and/or power politics. Accordingly, the complexities of the security dilemma can be reduced or eliminated. I utilize a single case study approach that analyzes the 2010 territorial conflict known as the ‘Isla Calero’ dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Using both an inductive approach and semistructured interviews, this paper analyzes how the dispute was settled without the use of power politics. It is argued that Costa Rica was able to halt the cycle of the security dilemma through their decision to demilitarize. Moreover, I argue that Costa Rica’s approach is relevant and applicable to other states and could contribute to successful conflict resolution between States without the use of power politics.

<p>In this thesis, I explore if Latvia has experienced, during the last ten years, a change in identity and threat perception that could allow for the building of a “cooperative security community” in Northern Europe. Recent constructivist researches contend that such change is in progress in neighboring Estonia. This research, performed through a discourse analysis of political elite’s speeches, reveals the presence – explained by the concept of interim inconsequentiality - of two opposite identity/security discourses. I link the first, inclusive, discourse to Latvia’s Western socialization, but not to a change in identity, as I contend that both threat images and identity have been instrumentalized for the sake of the accession strategy. As for the second, exclusionary, discourse that shows a persistent distrust of both Russia and the ethnic Russian minorities, and is the more prevalent in terms of political behavior, I link it to Latvia’s identity as a small ethnic nation vulnerable to external pressures - an identity strengthened during the period by Russia’s behavior. I verify this thesis by exposing the exclusionary discourse’s salience on the EU integration issue. I conclude that the period of reference, far from resolving the security dilemma, has, on the contrary, reinforced it.</p>

This thesis rethinks the security dilemma within the context of the Cyprus problem. It analyzes and problematizes the established political discourses and societal insecurities in Cyprus. It basically contends that the Cyprus problem should be reconceptualized from a critical security perspective, utilizing the fatalist, mitigator and transcender logics of insecurity. In that regard, it advances the idea that the security paradox in Cyprus should be rethought with the aim of transcending it through reconciliation and trust-building. The thesis takes attention to the scope of human agency, both at the state and human society levels, in the processes of reconciliation and trust-building, and concludes that these processes are key in transforming the two communities in the island into a post-national and pluralistic community of Cyprus.

This research is about using the term ¡§realism¡¨ to study on the relationship across the Taiwan straits. After the Gulf War, Mainland China has started the revolutions in military affairs. Their think of military strategy was from ¡§Conquer Limited Way¡¨ to ¡§Conquer High Technology Limited Way¡¨. The People¡¦s Liberation Army has become more modernized, buying fighter planes, missiles, on board radar, electronic war equipment from foreign countries, and they also have developed J-10 fighters, mid and long range ballistic missile. The People¡¦s Liberation Army will finish the first step of the revolutions in military affairs in 2005, by that time SU-27 and SU-30 will be fully capable for combat. J-10 will began mass production and then Mainland China will have the ability to assault Taiwan. The military power will become unbalance across the Taiwan Straits. When the revolution in military affairs is completed by People¡¦s Liberation Army, People¡¦s Liberation Army will be fully trained for combat, which includes electronic warfare equipment, Air Combat Command, fighter planes, pilots, on-board equipment, missile etc. With the economic take-off Mainland China has increased their defense budget every year. Under this condition the military power can decide the stabilization of the Taiwan Strait. In order to balance the power military of People¡¦s Liberation Army, Taiwan has to purchase long range detect radar, electronic equipment and PAC III missile. According to the view of ¡§security dilemma¡¨ both side of Taiwan Strait have to purchase modern weapons from foreign country to defence itself, this in turn drives to arm race. So Taiwan has to use its advantages, such as the quality of pilot and performed fighter planes. to face the People¡¦s Liberation Army. For national security Taiwan should concern on the mid and long term Unmanned Combat Air Vehicle (UCAV) and long term weapon development program.

In 2008 Russia surprised the West by going to war with Georgia. While several analyses have pointed to separate actions by NATO and the West as having influenced the 2008 war, this paper endeavors to show that the combined actions of the West and NATO since the fall of the Soviet Union created a security dilemma for Russia. Because the West refused to properly acknowledge and address Russia’s dilemma, the West inadvertently created the conditions which led to the culmination of Russia’s security dilemma in the form of an invasion of Georgia. Russia’s war with Georgia was less an attempt to protect Russian citizens and prevent atrocities as it was a rebuttal of Western actions. This thesis examines the security dilemma and cooperation theories as presented by Dr. Robert Jervis, and looks specifically at Western-Russian relations relating to three spheres: NATO expansion and Western marginalization of Russia, Western unilateral and extra-U.N. military aggression, and Western anti-ballistic missile defense initiatives and programs. Western actions relating to these three spheres created the conditions for the war, and specifics within the Caucasus region and relating to separatist conflicts drove Russia to deem a war with Georgia a politically safe rebuttal to the West. This paper also examines continued Western refusal to acknowledge Russia’s dilemma and developing conditions, as they relate to the three spheres of NATO expansion, unilateral military action and missile defenses, which could potentially lead to further conflict between Russia and the West. / text

This diploma thesis applies the well-established concept of security dilemma to the relatively new domain of outer space. It constructs a comprehensive modification of the concept for the outer space - the space security dilemma - and establishes criteria for the assessment of it while also discussing previous approaches. The thesis then applies this concept and established criteria, to the issue of Global Navigation Satellite Systems (GNSS). More specifically, it focuses on the case of the European GNSS called Galileo and assesses the intentions behind its creation. Through this assessment, the thesis focuses on determining whether the European Union became a space security dilemma initiator by the development of the Galileo system. In order to confront the theoretical conclusions with praxis, the thesis then focuses on the case of the United States of America and the confrontation between GPS and Galileo. In its last chapter, the thesis replicates this approach on the cases of the Russian Federation (and its GLONASS) and the People's Republic of China (and its BeiDou/COMPASS).