published_or_final_version / Comparative Asian Studies / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / Comparative Asian Studies / Master / Master of Arts

No description available.

This thesis examines how livelihood diversification is also a site in which gender relations are unsettled, maintained and (re)configured. With the aim of strengthening the links between feminist and agrarian change scholarship, I present ethnographic material from Naga, a medium-size city in Bicol, Philippines, to explore how daily discourses, practices and performances of livelihood change are instrumental in mapping ways of life that are gendered. In the first part of the thesis, attention is devoted to the inadequate, or at least outdated, attention to gender relations in previous models of livelihood change, and to spell out some of the implications its integration may bring. In the remaining part of the thesis my aim is to indicate how this integration should be achieved. Specifically, I highlight some of the problems stemming from ‘structural’ analyses of gender, and emphasize the fresh perspectives opened up by a post-structural, performative approach. I then proceed to the Naga context, where I present two case studies to ‘flesh out’ these theoretical claims in more depth. Part One traces the involvement of state institutions in these changing political economies. Specifically, I consider how local state policies and practices associated with agrarian change are not simply implicated in people’s tendency to diversify, but also in the (re)production of gender identities. Notions of male responsibility and women’s rightful position in the home emerge as particularly important in this respect. In Part Two, I move to Pacol, a small farming community located on Naga’s peri-urban fringe. By drawing on interview and focus group material provided by ten ‘diversifying’ households, I consider how these discourses come into being; how they are worked through and (re)produced inperformances.

The Philippines and Vatican City are the only states left in the world without divorce. While the Philippines recognize relative divorce, or legal separation as termed under its Family Code, it has not sanctioned absolute divorce in the country except for Muslims and foreigners. During pre-colonial times and the Japanese occupation of the country, absolute divorce was legal and widely practiced. The thesis argues for the reintroduction of absolute divorce into Philippine law on a legal, pragmatic, and rights-based approach. It argues that divorce protects and strengthens the family; it is legal, constitutional, and in compliance with the international human rights obligations of the Philippines; it answers the issues on and inadequacies of the existing legal framework on nullity, annulment, and legal separation; it is one of the solutions to decrease, if not end, spousal violence; and its absence is discriminatory on the grounds of social class, religion, and nationality.

The Philippines and Vatican City are the only states left in the world without divorce. While the Philippines recognize relative divorce, or legal separation as termed under its Family Code, it has not sanctioned absolute divorce in the country except for Muslims and foreigners. During pre-colonial times and the Japanese occupation of the country, absolute divorce was legal and widely practiced. The thesis argues for the reintroduction of absolute divorce into Philippine law on a legal, pragmatic, and rights-based approach. It argues that divorce protects and strengthens the family; it is legal, constitutional, and in compliance with the international human rights obligations of the Philippines; it answers the issues on and inadequacies of the existing legal framework on nullity, annulment, and legal separation; it is one of the solutions to decrease, if not end, spousal violence; and its absence is discriminatory on the grounds of social class, religion, and nationality.

This thesis is concerned with Local Government Unit - Nongovernmental Organizations (LGU-NGOs) partnership in local governance in the Philippines as embodied in the 1987 Philippine Constitution and the Local Government Code of 1991. The main objective is to examine the most effective relationship between the LGU and the NGOs as well as where collaboration is most necessary. This is undertaken by experimentally evaluating the validity of four hypotheses on LGU-NGOs relations. The first hypothesis is that effective LGU-NGOs relationships are hardly felt or visibly seen despite the existing mechanisms. The second hypothesis is that opportunities for NGOs to participate are great; however, participation has not been realized. The third hypothesis examines whether larger LGUs are more effective in addressing the needs of their constituents, taking into consideration the presence of NGOs as conduits between the LGUs and the ordinary citizens. The fourth hypothesis examines whether larger LGUs are more effective in cooperating with NGOs because of the substantial resources and staff that they can utilize to reach out to them. In case studies of two LGUs in the Philippines, one larger and one smaller, the evidence largely verified the first two hypotheses while the last two hypotheses established a conclusion. First, it is found that NGOs have not participated at all in the planning process, although a number of NGOs have been involved in the implementation of programs, projects and activities (PPAs), ordinary citizens do not feel there is an LGU-NGO partnership. Second, the Local Special Bodies (LSBs) do not regularly conduct the mandated meetings, so that the NGOs have not participated in basic policy-making processes in the LGUs. Resources of NGOs do not indicate effective participation although the LGUs utilize the NGOs in the implementation of PPAs. Third, although the smaller LGU provided money to a number of NGOs, this did not ensure their participation, which shows that the NGOs were not accountable for the money they were given. As expressed by ordinary citizens, both the LGUs and the NGOs engage in patronage and influence peddling in providing services. Fourth, the size of the LGU does not indicate effective cooperation with NGOs. Although NGOs in the larger municipality have stronger views than in the smaller municipality, size of the NGOs does not determine effective ii participation. The size of the LGU does not matter in multi-sectoral policy making such as those in the Municipal Development Council (MDC) and Municipal Peace and Order Council (MPOC) since policy formulation is less focused and more complex and that seems to be introducing barriers to participation. Although sector-specific NGOs are more involved in the Municipal Health Board and Municipal School Board in the larger municipality, NGOs in the smaller municipality have a hard time participating.

No description available.

No description available.

Graduation date: 1981