Este trabalho constitui uma análise focada nas ações do Estado frente aos povos originários/camponeses e à sociedade mexicana como um todo, devido à redefinição do processo de colonização no sul-sudeste do México, região com maior concentração dos povos originários/camponeses. O ano de 2014 foi, para os mexicanos, de grandes mudanças, pelo advento das reformas na constituição empreendidas pelo governo de Enrique Peña Nieto, as Reformas Estruturais. Em 2016, o presidente mexicano já havia efetivado onze reformas. O que chamou mais atenção foi o fato de a população mexicana, de modo geral, pesquisadores e estudantes, mais especificamente, espantarem-se com a insistência na Integração Física, haja vista acreditarem que tal projeto havia sido interrompido pelo grande número de protestos e a crise de 2008/2010. A mídia, antes interessada, não mencionava nada a respeito, mas o processo de integração continuava a todo vapor. A análise documental do projeto de Integração Física Regional e seus desdobramentos atuais configura-se como o objetivo maior do presente trabalho. Os estudiosos utilizados estão sob a égide do materialismo histórico marxiano que, afinal, é, reconhecidamente entendido pelo próprio Marx, o mais importante a ser considerado em suas produções o que diferencia o decolonialismo do realizado pelos pensadores europeus é pôr a América Latina no centro do mapa, elucidando como o continente foi forjado, geográfica e filosoficamente e como os conceitos aqui elaborados serviram para a expansão das relações imperialistas do capitalismo, especialmente, o conceito de raça. Assim, buscou-se evidenciar como os conceitos (espaço e tempo) foram apropriados pela Europa para a constituição do continente latino-americano, para a partir disto pensar o continente na conformação do sistemamundo- capitalista, ou melhor, a reprodução das relações imperialistas. Explicou-se as relações interamericanas atuais a partir da história, pois ao contrário do que se imagina é de longa data, remete-se ao século XIX. Além disso, evidenciou-se o posicionamento do México a partir da mudança de eixo da Europa para os Estados Unidos no pós-guerra até a adesão ao Tratado de Livre Comércio do Norte. Por fim, dedicou-se à análise do projeto de Integração Física Regional, prioritariamente, a participação do México, a sua liderança frente ao Plan Puebla Panamá, as consequências para a sociedade. O intuito é situar o Plano, por isso, fez-se um levantamento histórico, além de analisar o Capítulo México, Documento Base e abordar a organização indígena e campesina, as lutas empreendidas contra o Plano e a íntima conexão existente entre as relações internacionais e as dinâmicas internas da sociedade mexicana. / This work constitutes an analysis focused on the actions of the State towards native / peasant peoples and Mexican society as a whole, due to the redefinition of the colonization process in the south-southeast of Mexico, a region with a greater concentration of native / peasant peoples. The year of 2014 was, for the Mexicans, of great changes, by the advent of the reforms in the constitution undertaken by the government of Enrique Peña Nieto, the \"Structural Reforms\". By 2016, the Mexican president had already effected eleven reforms. What attracted the most attention was the fact that the Mexican population, in general, researchers and students, more specifically, are surprised by the insistence on Physical Integration, since they believe that this project had been interrupted by the great number of protests and the Crisis of 2008/2010. The media, once interested, did not mention anything about it, but the process of integration continued in full swing. The documentary analysis of the Regional Physical Integration project and its current developments is the main goal of this study. The scholars used are under the aegis of Marxian historical materialism - which, after all, is, admittedly understood by Marx himself, the most important to be considered in his productions - what differentiates decolonialism from that realized by the European thinkers is to put Latin America in the Center of the map, elucidating how the continent was forged, geographically and philosophically and how the concepts elaborated here served to expand the imperialist relations of capitalism, especially the concept of race. Thus, it was tried to show how the concepts (space and time) were appropriated by Europe for the constitution of the Latin American continent, from this to think the continent in the conformation of the world-capitalist system, or rather, the reproduction of relations Imperialists. The current inter-American relations have been explained from history, since contrary to what one imagines is a long time, it refers to the nineteenth century. In addition, Mexico\'s positioning was evident from the shift from Europe to the United States in the postwar period until accession to the North Free Trade Agreement. Finally, he focused on the analysis of the Regional Physical Integration project, primarily the participation of Mexico, its leadership in relation to the Plan Puebla Panama, the consequences for society. The intention is to situate the Plan, so a historical survey was made, besides analyzing the Mexico Chapter, Base Document and addressing the indigenous and peasant organization, the struggles against the Plan and the close connection between international relations and the internal dynamics of Mexican society.

Este trabalho constitui uma análise focada nas ações do Estado frente aos povos originários/camponeses e à sociedade mexicana como um todo, devido à redefinição do processo de colonização no sul-sudeste do México, região com maior concentração dos povos originários/camponeses. O ano de 2014 foi, para os mexicanos, de grandes mudanças, pelo advento das reformas na constituição empreendidas pelo governo de Enrique Peña Nieto, as Reformas Estruturais. Em 2016, o presidente mexicano já havia efetivado onze reformas. O que chamou mais atenção foi o fato de a população mexicana, de modo geral, pesquisadores e estudantes, mais especificamente, espantarem-se com a insistência na Integração Física, haja vista acreditarem que tal projeto havia sido interrompido pelo grande número de protestos e a crise de 2008/2010. A mídia, antes interessada, não mencionava nada a respeito, mas o processo de integração continuava a todo vapor. A análise documental do projeto de Integração Física Regional e seus desdobramentos atuais configura-se como o objetivo maior do presente trabalho. Os estudiosos utilizados estão sob a égide do materialismo histórico marxiano que, afinal, é, reconhecidamente entendido pelo próprio Marx, o mais importante a ser considerado em suas produções o que diferencia o decolonialismo do realizado pelos pensadores europeus é pôr a América Latina no centro do mapa, elucidando como o continente foi forjado, geográfica e filosoficamente e como os conceitos aqui elaborados serviram para a expansão das relações imperialistas do capitalismo, especialmente, o conceito de raça. Assim, buscou-se evidenciar como os conceitos (espaço e tempo) foram apropriados pela Europa para a constituição do continente latino-americano, para a partir disto pensar o continente na conformação do sistemamundo- capitalista, ou melhor, a reprodução das relações imperialistas. Explicou-se as relações interamericanas atuais a partir da história, pois ao contrário do que se imagina é de longa data, remete-se ao século XIX. Além disso, evidenciou-se o posicionamento do México a partir da mudança de eixo da Europa para os Estados Unidos no pós-guerra até a adesão ao Tratado de Livre Comércio do Norte. Por fim, dedicou-se à análise do projeto de Integração Física Regional, prioritariamente, a participação do México, a sua liderança frente ao Plan Puebla Panamá, as consequências para a sociedade. O intuito é situar o Plano, por isso, fez-se um levantamento histórico, além de analisar o Capítulo México, Documento Base e abordar a organização indígena e campesina, as lutas empreendidas contra o Plano e a íntima conexão existente entre as relações internacionais e as dinâmicas internas da sociedade mexicana. / This work constitutes an analysis focused on the actions of the State towards native / peasant peoples and Mexican society as a whole, due to the redefinition of the colonization process in the south-southeast of Mexico, a region with a greater concentration of native / peasant peoples. The year of 2014 was, for the Mexicans, of great changes, by the advent of the reforms in the constitution undertaken by the government of Enrique Peña Nieto, the \"Structural Reforms\". By 2016, the Mexican president had already effected eleven reforms. What attracted the most attention was the fact that the Mexican population, in general, researchers and students, more specifically, are surprised by the insistence on Physical Integration, since they believe that this project had been interrupted by the great number of protests and the Crisis of 2008/2010. The media, once interested, did not mention anything about it, but the process of integration continued in full swing. The documentary analysis of the Regional Physical Integration project and its current developments is the main goal of this study. The scholars used are under the aegis of Marxian historical materialism - which, after all, is, admittedly understood by Marx himself, the most important to be considered in his productions - what differentiates decolonialism from that realized by the European thinkers is to put Latin America in the Center of the map, elucidating how the continent was forged, geographically and philosophically and how the concepts elaborated here served to expand the imperialist relations of capitalism, especially the concept of race. Thus, it was tried to show how the concepts (space and time) were appropriated by Europe for the constitution of the Latin American continent, from this to think the continent in the conformation of the world-capitalist system, or rather, the reproduction of relations Imperialists. The current inter-American relations have been explained from history, since contrary to what one imagines is a long time, it refers to the nineteenth century. In addition, Mexico\'s positioning was evident from the shift from Europe to the United States in the postwar period until accession to the North Free Trade Agreement. Finally, he focused on the analysis of the Regional Physical Integration project, primarily the participation of Mexico, its leadership in relation to the Plan Puebla Panama, the consequences for society. The intention is to situate the Plan, so a historical survey was made, besides analyzing the Mexico Chapter, Base Document and addressing the indigenous and peasant organization, the struggles against the Plan and the close connection between international relations and the internal dynamics of Mexican society.

Since they first emerged into the public consciousness in 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) has gathered considerable attention and support on the world stage for its struggle with the Mexican federal government over the issue of indigenous rights. The Zapatistas are now popularly viewed as indigenous rebels standing up for indigenous rights against the neoliberal economics. Yet comparatively less attention has been given to its struggles with the federal government over an area of protected land within the Lacandón jungle known as the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve. The conflict is centered on a large settler population within the Reserve and whether it is a threat to the jungles viability. The environmental group, Conservation International (CI) believes that they are, yet the settlers enjoy the support of the EZLN, who opposes any attempt to move them. Despite this dispute, the two organizations claim seemingly similar goals. CI has declared that it is dedicated to local control over conservation projects. Meanwhile, EZLN has been fighting for greater local political power in regards to indigenous government. More striking still, is that this matter has placed the EZLN in direct opposition to the Lacandón Maya, even though it has portrayed itself as the defender of all of Mexicos indigenous people.<p>It is these apparent contradictions between the EZLNs political positions and the actual sides of the conflict that make the struggle over Montes Azules worth examining. Beyond the simplified statements of public platforms, the objections of the EZLN to the reserve and its supporters to the Lacandones position are rooted in historical conflicts over decision making on landholding. The EZLN feels that the government has constantly excluded indigenous farmers from decision making over this matter to their detriment and thus it feels that local control over land is a fundamental part of indigenous life. As such its position on Montes Azules must be understood in terms of how its ideas of being indigenous come into conflict with the Lacandón Mayas territory in the reserve and CIs position on the settler population. In this way indigenous identity is seen not merely as a matter of cultural significance, but a foundation for a concrete political agenda, which is articulated in the EZLNs stance over Montes Azules.

Since they first emerged into the public consciousness in 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) has gathered considerable attention and support on the world stage for its struggle with the Mexican federal government over the issue of indigenous rights. The Zapatistas are now popularly viewed as indigenous rebels standing up for indigenous rights against the neoliberal economics. Yet comparatively less attention has been given to its struggles with the federal government over an area of protected land within the Lacandón jungle known as the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve. The conflict is centered on a large settler population within the Reserve and whether it is a threat to the jungles viability. The environmental group, Conservation International (CI) believes that they are, yet the settlers enjoy the support of the EZLN, who opposes any attempt to move them. Despite this dispute, the two organizations claim seemingly similar goals. CI has declared that it is dedicated to local control over conservation projects. Meanwhile, EZLN has been fighting for greater local political power in regards to indigenous government. More striking still, is that this matter has placed the EZLN in direct opposition to the Lacandón Maya, even though it has portrayed itself as the defender of all of Mexicos indigenous people.<p>It is these apparent contradictions between the EZLNs political positions and the actual sides of the conflict that make the struggle over Montes Azules worth examining. Beyond the simplified statements of public platforms, the objections of the EZLN to the reserve and its supporters to the Lacandones position are rooted in historical conflicts over decision making on landholding. The EZLN feels that the government has constantly excluded indigenous farmers from decision making over this matter to their detriment and thus it feels that local control over land is a fundamental part of indigenous life. As such its position on Montes Azules must be understood in terms of how its ideas of being indigenous come into conflict with the Lacandón Mayas territory in the reserve and CIs position on the settler population. In this way indigenous identity is seen not merely as a matter of cultural significance, but a foundation for a concrete political agenda, which is articulated in the EZLNs stance over Montes Azules.