The 1994 mobilisation of the Emiliano Zapata Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in the Chiapas state of Southern Mexico prompted much academic and political debate. The EZLN proposed a variety of economic, political, social and. cultural demands in the ensuing days, weeks, months and years. Academic and political commentators using a variety of conceptual and interpretive frameworks sought to make sense of this social movement and assess whether the EZLN was truly significant. This thesis develops a distinctive coverage and critique of these approaches by arguing that the EZLN represents much more than current studies of the movement allow. The thesis argues that the EZLN represents the need and provides the opportunity for a profound rethinking of social movement theory and its assumptions. The thesis argues that the EZLN can help inform current interest in developing a thinking space in Critical International Relations Theory and invokes a problematisation of current conceptual approaches to the nature, the issues, the objectives and the strategies of contemporary social movements, in theory and practice

Escrever uma tese sobre as variações da literatura é, em muitos sentidos, variar junto com ela, isto é, empreender um exercício de comparação entre a teoria literária e outras teorias. Neste espírito, o texto a seguir dedica-se à especulação em torno do funcionamento de algumas categorias da teoria literária como autoria, referencialidade e iterabilidade por meio da investigação de outros assuntos que em um primeiro momento não pareceriam pertencer à ordem do literário, como a hipnose, os drones, os feminicídios, entre outros. Com isso propõe-se tensionar os limites da literatura e da teoria literária, em especial aquela que se organiza ao redor das indagações sobre o sentido do sentido. / To write a thesis on the variations of literature is, in many ways, to vary with it, that is, to carry out the task of comparing literary theory to other theories. In this spirit, the following pages present speculations on the inner workings of some literary categories such as authorship, referentiality and iterability by means of an investigation of other subject matter that at first glance appear to have nothing to do with literature, such as hypnosis, drones and feminicides, among others. With this I propose to prod the limits of literature and literary theory, particularly that which organizes itself around questions regarding the meaning of meaning.

Escrever uma tese sobre as variações da literatura é, em muitos sentidos, variar junto com ela, isto é, empreender um exercício de comparação entre a teoria literária e outras teorias. Neste espírito, o texto a seguir dedica-se à especulação em torno do funcionamento de algumas categorias da teoria literária como autoria, referencialidade e iterabilidade por meio da investigação de outros assuntos que em um primeiro momento não pareceriam pertencer à ordem do literário, como a hipnose, os drones, os feminicídios, entre outros. Com isso propõe-se tensionar os limites da literatura e da teoria literária, em especial aquela que se organiza ao redor das indagações sobre o sentido do sentido. / To write a thesis on the variations of literature is, in many ways, to vary with it, that is, to carry out the task of comparing literary theory to other theories. In this spirit, the following pages present speculations on the inner workings of some literary categories such as authorship, referentiality and iterability by means of an investigation of other subject matter that at first glance appear to have nothing to do with literature, such as hypnosis, drones and feminicides, among others. With this I propose to prod the limits of literature and literary theory, particularly that which organizes itself around questions regarding the meaning of meaning.

This thesis deals with issues of indigeneity, warfare and representation as they relate to the Zapatista struggle in Chiapas, Mexico between the years of 1994-2003 –a period widely known as a period of low intensity warfare. During this period, militants of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) engaged fiercely in the creation and defence of de facto “indigenous” municipalities and territories, posing a direct challenge to the legitimacy of the Mexican “state” and its faculty to govern. The environment of war, accompanied by a prevalent Indianist discourse, highly structured the ways in which Zapatista lives came to be represented by activist and academic writings alike. Generic images of Zapatista militants came to dominate the literature. Within this context, my thesis argues for the importance of moving away from images of Zapatistas as public figures and investigating, instead, everyday Zapatista lives. I argue that a refocus on specific-situated-local-everyday politics necessarily entails engaging with “internal” conflict, division, hierarchies, and power differentials. Framed by an ethnographic approach, the analysis presented here is based on 17 months of fieldwork. My discussion on indigenous autonomy and self-determination, therefore, goes well beyond claims to indigenous rights and engages, instead, historical as well as on-the-ground expressions of what self-determination looked like on an everyday basis. My discussion on warfare, moves beyond condemnations of militarization in the area and pays attention to some of the ways in which warfare worked to structure peoples’ lives and daily perceptions as well as outsiders’ understanding of the conflict. While generally my analysis is confined by the particularities of time and space, a generous examination of an ample literature gives it theoretical depth and political relevance beyond the Zapatista case.

This thesis deals with issues of indigeneity, warfare and representation as they relate to the Zapatista struggle in Chiapas, Mexico between the years of 1994-2003 –a period widely known as a period of low intensity warfare. During this period, militants of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) engaged fiercely in the creation and defence of de facto “indigenous” municipalities and territories, posing a direct challenge to the legitimacy of the Mexican “state” and its faculty to govern. The environment of war, accompanied by a prevalent Indianist discourse, highly structured the ways in which Zapatista lives came to be represented by activist and academic writings alike. Generic images of Zapatista militants came to dominate the literature. Within this context, my thesis argues for the importance of moving away from images of Zapatistas as public figures and investigating, instead, everyday Zapatista lives. I argue that a refocus on specific-situated-local-everyday politics necessarily entails engaging with “internal” conflict, division, hierarchies, and power differentials. Framed by an ethnographic approach, the analysis presented here is based on 17 months of fieldwork. My discussion on indigenous autonomy and self-determination, therefore, goes well beyond claims to indigenous rights and engages, instead, historical as well as on-the-ground expressions of what self-determination looked like on an everyday basis. My discussion on warfare, moves beyond condemnations of militarization in the area and pays attention to some of the ways in which warfare worked to structure peoples’ lives and daily perceptions as well as outsiders’ understanding of the conflict. While generally my analysis is confined by the particularities of time and space, a generous examination of an ample literature gives it theoretical depth and political relevance beyond the Zapatista case.

The Zapatista movement of southern Mexico has received little analytical attention focused on the myriad of writings issued by the movement. To help fill this gap, this study uses David Snow and Robert Benford’s concept of framing as a theoretical basis, and performs a systematic and discursive analysis of the communiqués issued by the Zapatista movement in order to understand how the movement framed itself over its thirteen-year existence. Communiqués were coded by noting evocations of the diagnostic frames of corrupt government, violent government, and neoliberal government and in terms of prognostic framing, general democracy, small-scale democracy, and revolutionary frames. This research concludes that the prognostic frame of general democracy was very high in the initial years of the movement, and shifted towards the small-scale democracy frame after the election of Vicente Fox in 2000. The diagnostic frames dealt with in this research showed a slight downward trend as Mexico democratized, but there is significant inter-year variation in the prevalence diagnostic frames that seems to be related to specific acts of government repression, or other government actions. This research also concludes that a portion of the EZLN’s success and long existence can be attributed to the movement’s ability to modify its diagnostic and prognostic frames to match the changing political and societal context that the movement existed in.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-29T14:12:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_5863_Dissertação (Marcela Vitali) versão final.pdf: 1846136 bytes, checksum: b38a85a18e40be365fce920a1ff8ba84 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-06 / O EZLN ou Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional emergiu no cenário mexicano, a partir de 1994, e transformou-se em um movimento social organizado em torno das identidades étnicas indígenas do estado de Chiapas. Desde sua aparição pública, os zapatistas se comunicaram com a sociedade civil e seus simpatizantes através de comunicados oficiais, cartas, contos e histórias que foram publicados em jornais, internet e demais suportes de comunicação. As principais vozes discursivas do movimento são representadas pelo CCRI-CG (Comitê Clandestino Revolucionário Indígena Comandância Geral) e pelo Subcomandante Marcos (um dos porta-vozes do movimento). Nossa pesquisa analisou os contos escritos por Marcos, no qual seu principal protagonista foi o Viejo Antonio, personagem que relata os aspectos míticos, políticos e sociais do mundo indígena de origem maia. Além disso, nos interessou compreender essa produção discursiva como expressão da etnicidade indígena zapatista, levando em consideração os seus processos de produção e enunciação e a operacionalização dos ―sinais diacríticos da identidade étnica‖ nos contextos interrelacionais desses sujeitos com o Estado e a sociedade civil mexicana. Nossa análise documental privilegiou os contos e histórias publicadas entre os anos de 1994 e 1998.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-24T13:45:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 josegasparbiscojunior.pdf: 1009184 bytes, checksum: 9bd1e98ef7ed6ff64e93dc6e8ad4a319 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-24T14:09:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 josegasparbiscojunior.pdf: 1009184 bytes, checksum: 9bd1e98ef7ed6ff64e93dc6e8ad4a319 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-24T14:09:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 josegasparbiscojunior.pdf: 1009184 bytes, checksum: 9bd1e98ef7ed6ff64e93dc6e8ad4a319 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-15 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Quando surgiu no cenário mundial em janeiro de 1994 o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional apresentava características parecidas com a de outros grupos guerrilheiros presentes na história da América Latina. O uso das armas e os combates iniciais com o exército mexicano mostraram um grupo muito bem estruturado militarmente e que usava táticas de guerrilhas beneficiando-se da Selva Lacandona. Com o tempo, o uso de recursos audiovisuais como a televisão e a Internet, se impôs como uma nova tática de guerrilha. Divulgando as idéias do movimento, arregimentando militantes e simpatizantes em todo o mundo ou construindo sua versão da própria história, os zapatistas colocaram aos historiadores contemporâneos a relação com suas fontes novamente em questão. / When it arose in the world setting in January from 1994 the Army Zapatista of National Liberation presented characteristics similar to the of others present guerilla groups in the history of the Latin America. The use of the weapons and the initial battles with the Mexican army showed an a lot group well structured militarily and that used tactics of guerrillas benefiting itself of the Jungle Lacandona. With the time, the use of audiovisual resources as the television and to Internet, if imposed like a tactical news of guerrilla. Divulging the ideas of the movement, drumming up militants and sympathetic in everybody or building his version of the own history, the zapatistas put the contemporary historians the relation with its springs once again in question.

O trabalho tem o objetivo central de identificar como se construiu historicamente a figura do Subcomandante Marcos, na esteira do processo de formação do movimento zapatista em Chiapas. Marcos, cuja identidade era ocultada por si mesmo (embora o governo mexicano tenha declarado publicamente, em 1995, que ele era o professor Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente), é o principal porta-voz do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) e destaca-se como figura-símbolo do referido movimento. Diante disso, busca-se apresentar a importância chave do indivíduo para o movimento zapatista (no plano intelectual e político), bem como compreender como se deu a dissolução de sua própria individualidade no plano simbólico na medida em que Marcos pareceu encarnar o ideário revolucionário zapatista. A ênfase analítica, para tanto, recairá sobre os aspectos de messianismo inseridos nesse processo, assim como sobre os elementos que sinalizem em Marcos a representação da própria experiência utópica, para que então se compreenda as razões pela quais sua liderança pareceu ter uma dimensão sui generis. Tal análise, feita a partir do levantamento de fontes primárias e da revisão da literatura secundária, mostra-se necessária frente à constatação de que o zapatismo constituiu-se como um dos movimentos políticos mais relevantes da contemporaneidade. Assim, realizando um estudo sistemático desse conjunto de aspectos, busca-se articular os temas de modo pertinente, para que se compreenda, então, o significado histórico deste ator político contemporâneo. / This work aims to identify the historical construction of Subcomandante Marcos image, in the wake of the process of the construction of the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico. Marcos, whose real identity is hidden by himself (though the Mexican government publicly declared in 1995 that he is Professor Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente), is the main spokesperson of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and stands as a symbol-image of the movement. Therefore, the dissertation seeks to present this individuals key importance to the movement (in the intellectual and political spheres), as well as understanding the dissolution of his own individuality (in the symbolic sphere) as Marcos seems to incarnate the revolutionary ideas of Zapatismo itself. The analytical emphasis, therefore, is on the messianist aspects inserted in this process, as well as on the elements that demonstrate representations of his own utopian existence, in order to understand the reasons why his leadership seems to have a sui generis dimension. This analysis, based on a thorough survey of primary and secondary sources, is relevant because the Zapatistas have established themselves as one of the most relevant contemporary political and social movements. Thus, conducting a systematic study of these aspects, it seeks to understand the historical importance of Subcomandante Marcos within the context of the rise of the Zapatistas.

Observa-se nas últimas três décadas a emergência política de diversas organizações indígenas nos países latino-americanos. Um divisor de águas desse fenômeno foi o levante armado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN), em 1994, no estado de Chiapas (México). Entre as demandas já tradicionais dos povos indígenas, como a questão da permanência à terra, o movimento zapatista incluiu em sua pauta política a reivindicação por autonomia, entendida, nesse contexto, como um distinto regime jurídico-territorial que permita aos povos indígenas mexicanos o exercício concreto da autodeterminação. Após o fracasso na aprovação de uma lei que definisse os marcos legais desse regime, os zapatistas decidem consolidar unilateralmente a autonomia que já vinham desenvolvendo em suas comunidades, desde o final de 1994. A partir dessa autonomia em resistência suprimiram qualquer tipo de relação com o Estado. As mudanças dessas relações de poder se projetaram no espaço, onde, a partir da conformação de comunidades, municípios e zonas autônomas, criaram-se governos paralelos zapatistas, operantes até a presente data. O objetivo da pesquisa foi o de analisar a organização espacial destes territórios autônomos e as relações sócio-espaciais ali travadas, especialmente no que se refere à posse da terra e a divisão social do trabalho e da produção, tentando esquadrinhar, na medida do possível, os limites e potencialidades que o modelo autonômico oferece a outros grupos indígenas. Nosso embasamento teórico e histórico partiu da revisão bibliográfica já produzida a respeito predominantemente mexicana- além de um trabalho de campo nos territórios zapatistas. Metodologicamente buscamos compreender a gênese dos processos e das contradições sociais que fomentaram o surgimento do EZLN com base na ideia de formação territorial e a partir dos pressupostos da Geografia Histórica, ainda que nossa argumentação também tenha dialogado fortemente com a Geografia Agrária e Política. Soma-se a este esforço a tentativa de compreensão dos recursos ideológicos utilizados para o submetimento destas populações ao longo do processo de formação do Estado. A pesquisa apontou aspectos inovadores na estratégia política zapatista, entre elas a própria ideia de autonomia, que há possibilitado o empoderamento das comunidades indígenas frente aos modernos processos de despossessão territorial, entre outros fatores. Em contrapartida, na atual conjuntura política de Chiapas, os territórios autônomos demonstramse com limitações estruturais de ordem econômica, o que, somado a uma nova ofensiva de forças chiapanecas refratárias ao projeto zapatista, vem dificultando, a nosso ver, o desenvolvimento das instituições autônomas e de novos projetos produtivos. / In the last three decades, there was a political emergence of many indigenous organizations around Latin-American countries. This phenomenons watershed moment was the armed uprising of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), in Chiapas (Mexico), 1994. Between the already traditional demands posed by indigenous people, as a separate legalterritorial arrangement that would allow Mexican indigenous people the concrete exercise of self-determination. After fail to approve a law that could define this regimes legal frameworks, the Zapatistas decided to consolidate unilaterally the autonomy that has been developed in their communities, since the end of 1994. From the so-called autonomy of resistance, they broke any sort of relation with the State. The changes of this power relationship are projected on a territory where, from the formation of communities, municipalities and autonomous regions, parallel governments had been set and still operating to that date. The objective of this research was to analyze the spatial organization of these autonomous territories and the socio-spatial relations there developed, especially with regard to land tenure and the division of labor and production, trying to scrutinize, to the possible extent, the limits and potentials that the autonomic model offers other indigenous groups. Our theoretical and historical knowledge was based upon a review of already established literature - predominantly Mexican authors - associated to fieldwork in Zapatista territories. Methodologically, we seek to understand the genesis of the processes and social contradictions that fostered the emergence of the EZLN by relying upon the idea of territorial formation and the assumptions of historical geography, although our argument also strongly dialogs with those of agrarian and political geography. In addition to that lies the effort to understand the ideological resources used for the subjugation of these peoples in the process of state formation. The research pointed to innovative aspects in Zapatista political strategy, including the very idea of autonomy, which enabled the empowerment of indigenous communities facing modern processes of territorial dispossession, among other factors. Simultaneously, there have been observed economic structural limitations in the current political situation in Chiapas, which associated to a new offensive of \"chiapaneca paramilitary forces to the Zapatista project is a hurdle to the development of autonomous institutions and new production projects according to my point of view.