The problem of unemployment relief has recently become of national importance to Canada. The rapid industrialization of Canada in the past few decades and the attendant increase in population have brought Canada face to face with the periodic mass unemployment characteristic of the modern industrial system. It has been attempted here to trace the development of the relief program in Canada and while the study docs not by any means exhaust the subject it has been undertaken with a view towards the emphasis of certain salient features and points have grown directly out of the Canadian situation. The Canadian policy towards unemployment relief has always been, and to a large extent still is, characterized by its experimental and emergency nature. This is quite evident when the programs of the years 1930-1934· are considered and the Vacillation and revisal of policy is observed, We have gone from Public Works to Direct Relief and in the year 1934, not covered in this report, there was experienced another policy. At this time the sum of $40,000,000 was voted by the Dominion Government for the construction of federal public works throughout the country.(l) The government has continued to add new elements and a now emphasis from time to time changes the direction of relief policy. Unemployment insurance has teen introduced, inflation has been bandied with and suggestions and changes continue to follow upon one another. The final word cannot by any means be said (regarding unemployment relief) and it is with the intention primarily to clarify certain aspects of the Canadian problem and to thereby develop a constructive approach that this study is undertaken. / Thesis / Bachelor of Arts (BA)

"This paper does not pretend to discuss in detail the contributions of the Middle Ages to political theory. It is not even a detailed analysis of a group of theorists, but is simply an illustration of several typical medieval approaches to political problems. It is intended to show the trends which continue and are developed from the fall of the Roman Empire to the fifteenth century, and to draw attention to the contributions made by these ideas to the history of political thought, as well as to point out some of their inherent defects. The paper is also an attempt to illustrate the divergent philosophies developed upon the same principles in order to show the variety of interpretation to which a few fundamental ideas rendered themselves"--Introduction. / Typescript. / "August, 1949." / "Submitted to the Graduate Council of Florida State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts under Plan II." / Advisor: Marian D. Irish, Professor Directing Paper. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 81-82).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Harvard University, 2002. / Co-Chairs: Roderick MacFarquhar; Elizabeth Perry. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--The University of Western Ontario (Canada), 1971. / Includes bibliographical references.

The author's Habilitationsschrift--Universität zu Köln. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 171-179).

Inaug.--Diss.--Heidelberg. / Vita. Bibliography: p. [1]-v.

Thesis--University of Illinois. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1985.

Brands are synthesizers of meaning that affect the manner in which consumers respond to marketing efforts such as advertising. In the context of politics, political parties exert a similar role. In this dissertation, I examined the role of parties-as-brands and offered a model based on the concept of party equity -- i.e., the added value generated by an entity's (e.g., a political candidate or organization) association to a particular party. Hypotheses were offered addressing party equity outcomes in the context of party personality congruent and incongruent political campaign messages. The moderating role of participants' party loyalty and political knowledge was also examined. Results indicated that party personality congruence did not affect responses to candidates whose personality matched traits commonly associated with the Democratic Party but that Republican candidates had an advantage over Democratic and Independent candidates when their personality matched traits commonly associated with the Republican Party. In the language of party equity this meant that Democratic personality traits yielded no added value or equity for Democratic candidates but that Republican personality traits generated equity for Republican candidates.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.