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"This paper does not pretend to discuss in detail the contributions of the Middle Ages to political theory. It is not even a detailed analysis of a group of theorists, but is simply an illustration of several typical medieval approaches to political problems. It is intended to show the trends which continue and are developed from the fall of the Roman Empire to the fifteenth century, and to draw attention to the contributions made by these ideas to the history of political thought, as well as to point out some of their inherent defects. The paper is also an attempt to illustrate the divergent philosophies developed upon the same principles in order to show the variety of interpretation to which a few fundamental ideas rendered themselves"--Introduction. / Typescript. / "August, 1949." / "Submitted to the Graduate Council of Florida State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts under Plan II." / Advisor: Marian D. Irish, Professor Directing Paper. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 81-82).

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Thesis advisor: Kenneth I. Kersch / There is a widespread belief among Americans that the nation’s political system suffers from dysfunction. It is, therefore, worth asking whether the Constitution has been complicit in contributing to the perceived political dysfunction. Does the United States, in effect, suffer from constitutional dysfunction? I conclude that political and societal developments subsequent to the Founding have retooled and repurposed American governing institutions, rendering their function antithetical to the original design of the Constitution. The long-term and collective effects of these changes may contribute to contemporary constitutional dysfunction. At the outset, I discuss general purposes and functions of constitutions. By describing constitutional functionality, we can better grasp the nature of when constitutions work and when they fail to function. As such, we will be best equipped to not only design a metric by which to measure constitutional dysfunction, but to apply this rubric to the American regime. “Chapter Two” will detail the framing of the American Constitution and explore the principles undergirding its creation. “Chapter Three” will cover the so-called “unfounding,” the processes and developments which have changed the character of governing institutions. “Chapter Four” will focus on proposed solutions which may be both misguided and potentially problematic. Finally, “Chapter Five” will consider the best approach to addressing American constitutional dysfunction. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Texas, Dec., 2008. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Abstract Since the reform and open policy makes national and society's separation in Mainland China, the society gradually retrieves the independency which formerly lost, and the state can control the scope gradually reduces. The society thus appears many spaces, and appears many emerging social stratum. That creates the social mobility. At the same time, the society inequalities also gradually expand. How does the social independent strength will have any type influence to Mainland China political development? First, we discuss the relations by three stages of the social stratification and Mainland China political development. The first stage (1949~1978) is the inner-party conflict of authority expands for the social conflict. The second stage (1978~1992) is the reform and open policy creates the social mobility. After the third stage (1992~2002) is the Post-Deng time, the Chinese Communist Party long-term being in power creates each kind of society inequalities. Second, we discuss the impact of the social stratification on the political development in Mainland China. This is main core in this paper, the impact includes: To change of the ideology, and to change of the Chinese Communist party physique, and the interest-politics are formation. All of these influence contain, the obverse and the negative impact. Finally, we will according to these influences to extrapolate the future direction of Mainland China political development. Keywords¡Gsocial stratification¡BMainland China¡Bpolitical development¡Binterest

According to the Theory of Political Development and Modernization, the process of democratic transition is stepping as follows: totalitarianism, authoritarianism, semi-democracy and democracy. It is believed that in the times of both Changes was a period of Authoritarianism. Due to the implementation of Martial Law, the freedom of people¡¦s assembling and party organizing were restricted. It was the period that only one party-K.M.T. governed the country. Obviously operation of the government was based on the profit of the party. Besides, going on strike was illegal because of martial law. After the end of martial law, peripheral labor unions are striving to lie themselves to the offending party or labor unions, in order to get the leadership of traditional unions. ¡@¡@¡@¡@It can be concluded that the end of martial law in 1987 was a clear cut of the development of Labor Union in Taiwan. Before it, the operation of Labor Union interfered with and manipulated by K.M.T, and was closely adjoined with the development of the nation. In view of the priority of foreign trade and economic growth, the role and the function of labor union had little opportunity to bring into play during the period. Not until the end of martial law, with the change of political and economic environments as well as the rise of various social movements, the independent labor union and other labor organizations outside the system weren¡¦t established. Gradually, these labor unions were aware of the rights of labor, and were more aggressive to fight for their benefits. Indeed, they were more active than before with the result that they and their functions, gained more attention from labors and the general public. ¡@¡@In the year of 2000, when D.P.P. replaced K.M.T. as the new government, the new leadership adopted the so-called Golden Mean Policy which included the freedom, democratization of labor organizations, and the establishment of the Committee of Labor Arbitration to deal with arguments between labors and administers, and the fulfillment of the industry owner by private. All these are different greatly from ¡§economic priority¡¨ and ¡§market mechanism¡¨ accented by K.M.T. To execute new labor policy, and according to The contemporary political and economic environment as well as the trend of future development, Council of Labor Affairs began to breed the new act of reforming Labor Union with the view of protecting the rights of labor and promoting the freedom and democratization of the operation of Labor Union. Therefore, the interaction of Taiwan¡¦s labor organizations and the government in the future are still under investigating.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2008. / "Graduate Program in Political Science." Includes bibliographical references (p. 537-553).

This dissertation draws attention to covert efforts directed at African women that seek to negatively affect the family structure and the historic cultural value systems, thereby destabilizing the African family setting, and destroying the society through a process of depopulation in Etsako in Edo State, and by extension, Nigeria and Africa. The researcher employed the African philosophy of politics and government as the conceptual framework most suitable for this research. The American woman’s knowledge of the African woman was investigated. Equally, the African woman was examined to determine what she thinks of her womanhood role. The findings established that the struggle for political development of the African woman is pregnant with meaning, as it is a vital aspect of some of the covert and overt influence of the West directed at the Africans’ root of existence. Other finding include the following: 1. That the Western World has targeted the entire population of Etsako, Nigeria and Africa by an extension, for a political resocialization that is alien to the people of Africa. 2. That the American woman has limited knowledge of the African woman. 3. That in the effort to adversely influence the African woman, some African American women of the intelligentsia are unknowingly being used to facilitate some of the covert efforts. 4. That the African women appreciates her womanhood roles in the home front and her external relations; and, 5.that the African woman’s political efficacy, from a Western political framework, in the African political systems, will destroy the traditional family structure, the cultural and moral basis of the people. This will further destroy the historic African cultural value systems and, eventually lead to a moral void and the collapse of these societies. Deviant behavior and deliberate depopulation will trigger the collapse. The study, therefore, recommends among other things that to prevent such cultural destabilization, the Etsako people and possibly, Nigeria need to educate and politically socialize their women, from an African socio-cultural political framework. This is a major way by which Etsako and Africa by extension will command Western political respect.

Turkey and Pakistan share a long history of military tutelage, influence, and intervention in politics. This thesis analyzes the evolution of the political role of the military in the two countries, in order to understand the causes of the Turkish military’s diminished political influence since 2002, contrasted with the Pakistani military’s continuing grip over the country’s political system. Three factors can explain this divergence in civilian control of the military between the two countries. In Turkey, there has been a constant process of elite turnover and replacement, culminating in the gradual emergence and consolidation of counter-elite power in the 1990s and 2000s. In Pakistan, the traditional civil-military “Establishment” has remained remarkably unchanged in its constitution and structure. The role of elites in determining the course of civil-military relations has been conditioned by two other factors, (1) external influences and (2) varying patterns of civilian institutional legitimacy.