This ethnographic and archival study offers insight into Dalit identity politics, Tamil ethno-nationalism, and affective understandings and experiences of sovereignty in contemporary Tamil Nadu, South India. It is an-depth exploration of the recent history and present moment of inter-caste conflict that plagues Tamil Nadu, despite the fact that it is India’s most urbanized state, and among its wealthiest and most industrially developed. Over the course of the past thirty years, spectacular and brutal murders, riots, and police repression have regularly characterized the relationships between groups of politically affiliated individuals we call castes. I historicize and contextualize such incidents, tracking the changing phenomenology of caste as it intersects with the gendered politics of Tamil ethnic identity. In order to do so, I examine the formation of caste conglomerations, which I define as intentionally incorporated political bodies attempting to situate themselves relationally in the context of rapid demographic and technological changes, and the breakdown of formal, intergenerational models of caste differentiation and hierarchy. The practices of intercaste relations in Tamil Nadu, are not disappearing, but are asserting themselves in new and sometimes violent ways as the economic realities and inhabitable spaces of many formerly distinguishable castes become increasingly alike. Responding to the anxiety of disintegrating hierarchy, what were once localized, relatively independent castes are uniting as political bodies that attempt to identify themselves in relation to each other, competing mimetically in a cycle of recursive opposition. I focus on two increasingly visible caste conglomerations – the Devendras and the Thevars – who have been embroiled in a violent conflict in Tamil Nadu since the late 1950s. The recent experiences of the Devendras who are officially classified as Dalit (“untouchable”), and the Thevars who were once socioeconomically dominant in much of Southern Tamil Nadu, exemplify the changing socioeconomic dynamics that foster caste conglomeration. Although the ancestors of many landowning castes ruled over the laborers they relegated to untouchability, their recent economic decline relative to the “untouchables” has unsettled what were once clearly demarcated social hierarchies. A new and unstable economy of collective rank is developing to fill this vacuum, as the self-fashioned leaders of caste conglomerations construct their identities. The process of caste conglomeration dissolves antecedent boundaries of caste even as it reconstitutes castes as larger and therefore more powerful groups, thus simultaneously demonstrating both the fluidity and intractability of caste logics.  The identitarian claims of caste conglomerations are carved into the new urban spaces they inhabit with visual and auditory signifiers, which are heightened during memorial celebrations of recently remembered caste history. Caste heroes who embody the often conflicting Tamil masculine ideals of selfless courage and refined civility play an important role in such acts of representing history through which caste conglomerations proclaim the dignity they are owed in the present through the glories of their past. I explore this process as it is energized by the antagonistic power struggle between the Devendras and the Thevars. The still tenuously united Devendras fight back against their relegation to Dalit status by claiming that they have been misclassified in the caste order, and that they are not, in fact, Dalits. Instead, they are the original people, and therefore rightful rulers, of the Tamil country. The Thevars who are a slightly older conglomeration of three previously endogamous but similarly ranked castes, counter such claims with their own claims to Tamil sovereignty, contributing to the unintended fallout of Tamil ethno-nationalism, or Dravidianism. Dominating state-level politics since the middle of the twentieth century, Dravidianism has attempted to configure a united non-Brahmin identity, which might have dissolved the boundaries between the vast majority of Tamil castes. It has instead resulted in widespread, caste-based competition over Tamil identity. The Devendras are increasingly vying for power through the idiom of Tamil identity, distancing themselves from Dalits (themselves an enormous caste conglomeration founded on the disavowal of caste), despite the Dalits’ electoral success. In tracing the Devendras’ strategy, my dissertation locates the boundary of pan-Indic Dalit political identity, suggesting that the Dalit category inadequately describes the experiences of formerly “untouchable” groups who are drawn, like many others, to the powerful calls of ethnicity. Such struggles of caste, entangled with ethno-nationalism, demonstrate the yearning for sovereignty that has arisen alongside the distrusted state. The parties and caste organizations of the Devendras and Thevars, like those of other rapidly multiplying caste conglomerations, reflect the desires of the disempowered, and operate as parastate authorities offering material benefits, collective pride, and transactions with government agents, which are troubled by the conglomerations’ need for legitimation that only the government can offer. These complicated processes of negotiating new and relatively unstable economies of power drive the questions of my dissertation, which unfold through the stories of Tamil men who experience the forces of caste identity and the government in their everyday lives. Caste conglomeration is not another example of Sanskritization through which castes ascend the social ladder by emulating those above them. Instead, the process I examine is competitive, mimetic, and recursive, presupposing the relative equality brought about by economic changes and by the promises of the democratic nation-state. While one generation ago, there were stark differences between landowning castes and the laboring castes now known as Devendras, today, Devendras have the resources to compete in terms of their public visibility, levels of education, and historical claims. In fact, their assertions are so resounding that Thevars sometimes follow Devendras in their strategic calls for recognition. I do not, however, discount the brutalities of Thevar violence against Devendras, but instead aim to shed light on the social context of such acts. It is the profound anxiety of growing similarity, rather than difference, that erupts in the excess of violence.

From extensive research undertaken by Rensis Likert at the University of Michigan, a modified theory of administration has been developed which seeks to build upon all that worked best in previous approaches to administration.Sufficient information from the writings of Joseph Smith, from diaries and journals of those who worked under his leadership have been used in this thesis and compared with the model of administration proposed by Likert. The results of this work were that Joseph Smith in his administration most often used a leadership approach described by Likert as Consultative and Participative.This thesis also presents a model of administration advocated by Joseph Smith which has been constructed from a careful research of the Prophet's writings. The administration of Joseph Smith from 1830 to 1844 was also analyzed in detail.

Thesis (M.A. (History)) --University of Limpopo, 2018 / Student activism is a global phenomenon which mostly refers to work by students to cause political, environmental, economic, or social change. Most countries have benefited tremendously from student activism. For example, the students have played a central role in the independence and anti-colonial struggles in most African countries. The dissertation focuses on an exploration of the role played by University of the North student activism in the struggle against apartheid from 1968 to 1994. This was a period which was characterised by an upsurge of the nationalist struggle in South Africa led by political organisations such as the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), Azanian People’s Organization (AZAPO) the South African Communist Party (SACP) and United Democratic Front (UDF). Student organisations such as South African Student Organisation (SASO), University Christian Movement (UCM), South African National Students’ Congress (SANSCO), Azanian Student Organisation (AZASO) and many others played a significant role. The dissertation deployed both primary and secondary sources. Secondary data was derived from published and unpublished dissertations, journal articles, newsletters, books and autobiographies. Primary information was obtained through archival materials, official university documents, speeches and, unstructured and interactive interviews in order to provide evidence for the nature and character of student activism in the university. Periodisation theory as articulated by Hollander, Rassuli, Jones and Farlow (2005) was utilised to interpret and illuminate the political struggle activities of the student activists. This theory was the most appropriate frame to tackle student activism because it divides the chronological narrative into separately labelled sequential time periods with distinct beginning and ending points. The investigation reveals that the dominant ideology at the beginning of the period under investigation was Black Consciousness inspired by Steve Biko. However with the lapse of time this ideology was watered down by the liberal ideology which underpinned the Freedom Charter. The student activists operated within organisations such as SASO, UCM, AZASO, SANSCO and many others. The dissertation also reveals that while the students were relatively successful in mobilising the support of rural schools and communities, they also faced vicious repression by the apartheid security establishment. The dissertation lays a solid foundation for further critical historical investigation.

In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.

現代各國政府的職能日見擴張，推行政府職能的公務員亦因之日見膨脹，如何解決現存的行政流弊及脫節現象，端賴健全的文官制度以提升行政績效。隨著我國政府宣佈解嚴及開放黨禁，政黨政治逐漸形成，但在歷次選舉活動中，公務人員被動員於支持特定黨派，政治中立和功績制基本原則被扭曲破壞，且我國行政機關各部會政務與常務的範疇，向來未予明 確區分。鑑於確實有建立行政中立體制的必要，考試院爰請銓敘部蒐集各國有關行政中立規定，研擬完成公務人員行政中立法草案，於民國八十三年十二月送請立法院審議，踏出了我國前所未有的人事價值法制化。 本文主要是從研究各民主先進國家有關公務人員在政治活動中立方面的做法及規定，並探討其發展過程的演變情形，俾做為我國發展的借鏡。第一章"緒論"闡明研究動機、研究目的及研究方法、架構，進而就各名詞涵義加以界定，以避免名詞的混淆。 第二章"先進民主國家的發展"，從英國、美國、德國、法國、日本五個民主國家的發展經驗，提供在政治活動中立方面應有的做法。根據研究所得發現法國、德國的規定最為寬鬆，日本的規定最嚴格，英國、美國則介乎其中。 第三章"政治中立觀念之進展"，就行政與政治的分合及特別權力關係兩方面加以探究，從十八、十九世紀，以至於第二次世界大戰後，在行政與政治的關係產生無數的爭論及發展趨勢，兩者的分合亦被贊成或反對政治活動中立的人士用來支持其理論，本節試圖從兩者的分合關係尋求均衡；特別權力關係規範國家與公務人員間的權利義務，從十九世紀德國發展出傳統特別權力關係，並輾轉傳至日本及我國，至二次世界大戰後的理論修正，使其產生重大變化，在公務人員保障上更趨完整。我國則在歷次大法官會議解釋中做修正，目前在公務人員的懲戒保障上有較完善的制度。 第四章"政治活動中立的原則"，從政務官與事務官分立、限制政黨政治活動、限制參加競選或選舉活動、違反禁制規定的罰則及保障制度等五方面探討，歸納各國作法並研析我國行政中立法草案暨相關法規規定，檢討我國現行作法，從而尋求出應做修正的方向。 第五章"結論"，提出本文研究發現及建議，欲落實政治活動中立，除了就相關法規做修正配合外，如何在觀念上徹底釐 清，並就利益團體遊說及個人觀念價值中立方面努力，以確實達到行政中立暨文官制度健全。

Bibliography : leaves 281-290. / xii, 290 leaves : maps ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Anthropology, 1994?

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

 At present, adolescent girls in Hong Kong face increasing pressure from society as most adults believe these girls are rebellious, promiscuous, apathetic, and dependent. In order to examine these claims, this study explores the following: 1) ‘Post-90s’ girls’ perceptions about themselves and the labels ‘Post-80s’ and ‘Post-90s’; 2) how they participate in social movements to redefine their identities as daughters, students, young women, and Hong Kong citizens; 3) their family relationship and their strategies to manage family expectations; and 4) their experiences in the social movements they join, and the effects of their participation on their social and personal lives. I adopt the post-structuralist feminist perspective to explore six girl activists’ agency, life choices, and strategies in managing their relationships within their families, schools, and communities. I follow the interpretivist constructivist approach in examining the process by which these girls give meanings to their practices and personal relationships. I employ methods such as focus group, participant observation, and in-depth interviews to explore their desires, need for social recognition, and life constraints. The results reveal that girl activists want autonomy from their parents. They need their teachers and schoolmates to appreciate their non-academic achievements. They crave society’s acknowledgment of their non-economic contributions in mobilising social change and the cultural values of local cultural heritages and natural landscapes. In the social movements, they want to make new friends who share their visions about social development. They also wish to learn new skills and knowledge from the movements and be able to use them in their daily lives. There are four main interpersonal strategies that the girls employ to manage their personal relationships: 1) they negotiate, 2) deploy alternative identities, 3) make media exposure, and 4) become pioneers to educate their parents, teachers, and schoolmates. They also employ other strategies to mobilise social movements (including the use of cosplay, arts, and alternative media exposure) and draw people’s attention to the causes that concern them. Thus, I argue that the post-90s girl activists distinguish themselves from the ‘Kong Nui’. They believe that Kong Nuis are indifferent to social issues, are uninterested in politics and activism, and would rather focus on consuming branded products. To distinguish themselves from the Kong Nuis, the post-90s girl activists adopt alternative lifestyles (e.g., becoming farmers) and unconventional attitudes towards social development. They are aware that mainstream people regard them as awkward, and they do feel frustrated about being belittled. Nevertheless, they are happy if they can enlighten other people about socio-political injustices in Hong Kong and finding alternative lifestyles. This research has three major contributions. It identifies various ways for young women to make themselves young women icons. It also discusses the new social problems that concern the girl activists, including government-business collusion and ‘property hegemony’. It also demonstrates that, apart from sexual, affective and material desires, teenage girls also need social recognition. Girl activists struggle to be recognised as full members in their families, schools, communities and Hong Kong society by actively participating in social movements. / published_or_final_version / Social Work and Social Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

There are numerous studies in the past that examine factors, such as demographic, socio-economic, personal and attitudinal, that increase the likelihood of volunteering, among people of all ages. Who volunteers, and why? Among these are factors that are also thought to be important in fostering political participation. Early in the 1970’s, studies have concluded that involvement in voluntary associations provides opportunities for equipping with the necessary skills, strengthening of social networks and enhancing one’s awareness and interests in public issues. These in turn facilitate volunteers’ subsequent political participation as they become more activated politically. This is further explained and exemplified in a more theoretical framework of social capital since its emergence, and attracting widespread discussion. Sociological and educational studies among youths, mostly aged 15 to 25 years, found that they tend to be apathetic and inert towards political participation, making the political outcomes of volunteering appeared highly variable. Meanwhile, literature from many Western countries show conflicting results on the relationship between volunteering and political participation, both being essential elements of active citizenship in civil societies. Social capital scholars focus on shared values and norms, trust and reciprocity that generate and accrue as individuals interact with each other. Therefore it can be hypothesised volunteering should build social capital that contribute to both voting and non-voting political activities. On the contrary, observational studies, especially in the field of education, showed that many youths think their volunteer work is simply a form of helping others in need, or even a stipulated requirement in their high school curriculum, without considering its impact upon their positions in the broader civil sphere or community. As a consequence of the increasing prevalence of volunteerism parallel to government policies in many places worldwide, especially with respect to young people, who are at an age when significant civic and political identities are being developed and shaped, this apparent paradox between youth volunteering and their political participation is increasingly being studied. There is little study on the relationship of youth volunteering and their political participation in Hong Kong. My study is to assess the relationship between youth volunteering and their political participation using a multi-dimensional theoretical framework, taking into consideration of social capital and non-social capital factors, and methodologically adopt a quantitative analysis of findings from a self-administered questionnaire to volunteers of a youth organisation in Hong Kong. Empirically, this study also serves to describe the present profiles of youth volunteers in Hong Kong, together with their volunteering and political experiences. The results from this questionnaire survey show that youth volunteering is associated with political participation in Hong Kong, and factors that may enhance political participation among these volunteers are also identified. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

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