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The aim of this thesis is to analyze the political behavior and party preferences of the voters at the 3 November 2002 elections in terms of the concept &ldquo / New Political Behavior&rdquo / . The structure of this thesis is as follows: In the first chapter, the basic theoretical framework of the concept political behavior is examined. In this chapter, the concept &ldquo / new political behavior&rdquo / is discussed in detail. In the second chapter, the political environment, institutions, traditions and transformation of the Turkish political system are analyzed. The empirical part of this thesis has examined the applicability of the concept &ldquo / new political behavior&rdquo / on 3 November 2002 with an analysis of the interviews which are made in Tire. The main conclusion of this study is that, the traditional approaches remained limited in explaining the picture that has emerged after 3 November 2002 elections, and the consequences of 3 November 2002 elections can be evaluated as evidence of a just occurring phenomena &ldquo / new political behavior concept&rdquo / , by emphasizing the similarities rather than differences between the findings and the concept.

Master of Science / Department of Journalism and Mass Communication / Curtis Matthews / The objective of this study is to shed light on the interaction between the theory of selective exposure and social identity theory. Both of these theories describe aspects regarding how individuals expose themselves to information. However, the driving question of the study was to investigate the behavior of individuals whom experience cognitive dissonance from an inconsistent political message, but are receiving that message from a member of their perceived in-group. The expectation was that moderating variables, such as strength of identification with an ideology as well as the level of knowledge would impact who would engage in selective exposure and choose to disregard in-group cues, or choose inconsistent messages to stay true to in-group pressures. In a Qualtrics experiment, participants (n=189) were divided into different groups, attitude consistent and attitude inconsistent and were exposed to a series of tweets. Each tweet was politically charged, with the attitude-consistent group presenting consistent messages paired with in-group cues, and in the attitude-inconsistent group presenting a dissonant message was paired with the in-group cue, and visa versa. Two factors revealed themselves to impact results and message choice — knowledge and strength of identification. Results revealed that individuals who had a high level of knowledge chose the consistent message more often than those with low knowledge. The strength of ideology variable influenced differences in both the speed in which they made decisions on which tweet to select, as well as how quickly they identified with an ideology level. This result revealed that those who are strongly identified with an ideology make decisions regarding political messages and ideology faster than those who are weakly identified. The current study contributes to the plethora of literature regarding these two theories and the political science area of study by supporting knowledge as a moderating variable between cognitive dissonance and social identity pressures. It also provides insight into the trends and patterns that can arise when time/speed are utilized as a variable to shed light on group identification differences. The insights with the variables of time, strength of ideology, level of knowledge, could lead to numerous future studies.

<p>Ispitivanje prikazano u radu problematizira relacije između ličnosti posmatrane sa tipolo&scaron;ke perspektive i ideologije obuhvaćene preko sistema vrijednosti, dru&scaron;tvenih stavova i religioznih uvjerenja. Istraživanje je provedeno na uzorku od 1046 ispitanika (65% žena), starosti 18-74 godine (prosječna starost 32,74 godine). U ispitivanju su kori&scaron;teni sljedeći instrumenti: upitnik ličnosti Velikih pet plus dva (VP+2), &Scaron;varcov upitnik vrijednosti (PVQ), Ajzenkova skala dru&scaron;tvenih stavova, Skala religioznih uvjerenja i Skala polariteta.<br />Klasterizacija upitnika VP+2 dovela je do kategorizacije ličnosti na: hiperkontrolisani, rezilijentni i hipokontrolisani tip. Rezultati su pokazali da se za svaki od tipova ličnosti veže specifičan vrijedonosni profil. Rezilijentni tip ličnosti se uglavnom veže za klaster vrijednosti Otvorenost za promjene (Nezavisnost, Poticaj) i Sopstveno odricanje (Univerzalnost, Dobronamjernost), dok se hipokontrolisani tip uglavnom veže za klaster vrijednosti Samounapređenja (Postignuće, Moć). Oko 40% varijabiliteta vrijednosti može se objasniti preko tipova ličnosti. Dru&scaron;tveni stavovi Etnocentrizam i Liberalizam slabo su povezani sa tipovima ličnosti. Isto je konstatovano i za religiozna uvjerenja i normativno-humanističku orijentaciju. U osnovi,<br />ličnost posmatrana preko tipova ili preko dimenzija, nije se pokazala kao značajan prediktor političkog pona&scaron;anja. Dru&scaron;tveni stavovi i vrijednosti takođe su skromni prediktori političkog pona&scaron;anja, s tim da je prognoza ne&scaron;to bolja u slučaju predikcije glasanja za stranke desnog centra (SDA), gdje je moguće objasniti oko 20% varijanse glasačkog pona&scaron;anja.</p> / <p>This study discusses relation between personality from aspects of typological perspective and ideology determined as system of values, social attitudes and religious beliefs. The research was conducted on sample of 1046 respondents (65% female), aged from 18 to 74 years (average age 32,74 years). The instruments administrated in research were: Big Five plus Two (Velikih pet plus dva, VP+2), Schwartz Value Survey (PVQ), Eysenck&rsquo;s Inventory of Social Attitudes, Religious Beliefs Scale and Polarity Scale.<br />Clustering of Big Five plus Two (VP+2) inventory led to the categorization of personality to overcontrolled, undercontrolled and resilient type. The results showed that specific value profile is related to each type of personality. Resilient type is mostly related to the value cluster Openness to Change (Self direction and Stimulation) and Self-Transcendence (Universalism and Benevolence), while undercontrolled type is mostly related to value cluster Self-Enhancement (Power and Achievement). About 40% variance of values could be explained through personality types. Social attitudes Ethnocentrism and Liberalism are weakly associated with personality types. The same relation could be stated to religious beliefs and normative-humanistic orientation with personality types. Basically, personality operationalized through types or through dimensions either, has not showed as&nbsp;significant predictors of political behavior. Social attitudes and values are modest predictors of political behavior, although the prediction is somewhat better in case of prediction for right-wing parties (SDA), where is possible to explain about 20% of variance of political behavior</p>

I examine the formation of a "foreign policy" ideology and how it shapes the preferences and decisions of individuals during foreign policy events. Following from earlier research on the structure of a foreign policy ideology, two dimensions are identified as important determinants of individual preferences: a militant dimension and a cooperative dimension. To understand the determinants of an individual's ideology, a bottom-up, value driven approach is employed that explores influences that are both psychological (values, beliefs, traits) and sociological (groups, environment). As to the impact of ideology on preferences, I explore how ideology influences preferences in the context of support for military intervention, leader evaluation during times of war, and casualty tolerance. Beyond simply shaping preferences, one novel aspect of my research is exploring if ideology can modify the impact of external stimuli, such as elite cues and environmental context, on individual preferences. Following from research on "motivated reasoning" my theory argues that ideology colors the way new information is interpreted and accepted. In essence, ideology can filter the influence exerted by partisan/elite cues and environmental context (i.e. casualties, mission purpose).

This study examines the impact of political information conveyed through computer-mediated social networks. Using a popular social networking website, Facebook, a randomized field experiment involving Georgia State University undergraduates explores the extent to which computer-mediated peer-to-peer communication can increase political knowledge. For this experiment two Facebook profiles were created, one to administer information about the 2009 Atlanta mayoral election and the other to administer timely entertainment information. Students were randomly assigned one of these profiles to “friend.” Students choosing not to “friend” their assigned profile were aggregated to create an additional control condition. Treatments were administered to those who “friended” their assigned profile for the seven days preceding the mayoral election. To assess the transfer of knowledge between the profiles and the students a subsequent in-person survey was conducted (N=374). Results reveal that being exposed to political information by a peer through a social networking website increases the probability of recalling at least some of that information by 18.2 percent. Notably, the same method of exposure to entertainment information produces no significant effects on the recall of that information.

Scholars of economics, sociology, political science, and social psychology have attempted to define and quantify quality of life in order to make meaningful observations of society and to formulate optimal policy prescriptions. Unfortunately few if any of these attempts have systematically measured or used quality of life in a quantitative evaluation of data. In what follows I develop an empirically valid metric for measuring quality of life, establish the role of quality of life in determining societal and political outcomes, and explore what predicts higher quality of life to provide insight to about how quality of life can be improved.

Manager¡¦s managerial effectiveness is measured by how successfully he/she influences others. Leaders exert influence tactics to achieve task objective and organizational long-term objectives in a complex environment in order to maximize their job performance. By means of influence tactics, managers exert political behavior over others to achieve their organizational power settings. Thus, the purpose of the study is to understand the relationship between downward influence tactics and job performance. Results showed as following: 1. Male managers use more rationality influence tactic than that of females; female manager¡¦s contextual performance is better than that of males. 2. Managers with age between 30-39 use rationality influence tactic more than those of age 50 and above; managers with age below 30 use network and counteract influence tactics more than those of other age groups; task performance and contextual performance of managers with age over 50 are better than other age groups 3. Single managers use counteract influence tactic more than married managers; task performance and contextual performance of single managers are better than those of married managers 4. Managers with Master/Doctoral degrees use rationality, network, exchange, pressure, and counteract influence tactics more than those of other educational backgrounds. 5. Managers with 1 ~ 3 years working experiences use rationality and counteract influence tactics more than those of other years of working experiences; managers with working experiences over 10 years use network and pressure more than those of other years of working experiences. 6. High-level managers use rationality and pressure influence tactics more than those of other lower level managers; project-based managers use network and counteract influence tactics more than those of other levels of managers. 7. Middle-level managers have higher task performance than that of other levels of managers; high-level managers have higher contextual performance than that of other levels of managers. 8. After using gender, age, martial status, educational background, working experience and job level as control variables, and compare the relationship between downward influence tactics and job performance, we found: 8.1 Managers who are male, age over 35, single, college and below educational background, middle/high level, 5 years and above working experiences, the more rationality influence tactic they use, the better their job performance are. 8.2 Managers who are university and above, have 5 years and above working experiences, the more exchange influence tactic they use, the better their job performance are. 8.3 Managers who have less than 5 years of working experiences, the more pressure influence tactic they use, the better their task performance are. 8.4 Managers who are male, 35 years and above, single, university and below, and middle/high level, the more exchange influence tactic they use, the better their contextual performance they are.

This research relies on Ferris et al. (2002) proposed the organization politics perceptions revision model, the discussion organization politics behavior, between the organization citizen behavior, the political skill and the organization politics perceptions 's relations, and further confirm the political skill in the political behavior, the organization citizen behavior to organize the political perceptions the disturbance effect. This research take the Taiwan area 40 institutions as an object, altogether recycles 1,940 questionnaire, the effective questionnaire is 1,890, respectively by methods and so on item analysis, factor analysis, reliability analysis, correlation analysis, multiple linear regression and hierarchical regression analyzes. The findings discovered: (¤@) the political behavior, the political skill and political perceptions are not remarkable are related, the citizen behavior and political perceptions present negative remarkable related, the political behavior, the citizen behavior and the political skill present postive remarkable related; (¤G) the political skill assumes the remarkable disturbance between the political behavior and political perceptions, the political skill does not have disturbance of effect the whole to the citizen behavior and organization politics perceptions, the political skill ¡§pay and promotion policies¡¨ to the citizen behavior and organization politics perceptions it to assume the remarkable disturbance effect.