While much research has been conducted into the political behavior and attitudes of American military officers, little has been accomplished with respect to enlisted personnel. Most reports assume that the American military identify largely with the Republican Party and are mostly conservative in attitude. The most recent large-scale study, the TISS Survey on the Military in the Post Cold War Era conducted by Feaver and Kohn in 1998-1999, confirmed those assumptions among senior officers and is often quoted as representative of the entire military. However, the demographic characteristics of enlisted personnel predict different behavior. The enlisted ranks of the American military are over-represented by minorities who traditionally identify with the Democratic Party. The present study gathered data on enlisted personnel, by means of a survey, to determine whether that specialized population is significantly different in attitude and behavior from that of the officer corps and of the general American population. Enlisted personnel identify with the Republican Party in about the same proportion as do the general American population. However, only about half as many enlisted personnel identify with the Democratic Party as do civilians. Enlisted personnel are also about three times more likely to identify as Independents as do other Americans. Active-duty enlisted personnel demonstrate a 1.7 to 1 partisan (Republican to Democrat) ratio, similar to that found in the veteran enlisted sample (1.8 to 1) and the officer sample (1.6 to 1). The civilian sample shows a .95 to 1 partisan ratio. Thus, active-duty enlisted personnel who identify with a political party are about twice as likely to identify with the Republican Party as are civilians. However, active-duty enlisted personnel are nearly four times as likely as civilians to report being Independent, and are substantially less likely than civilians to identify with the Democratic Party. The Republican to Democrat ratio may well explain the commentary about and observations of a Republican dominated military. Despite the fact that the overall proportion of Republicans within the military is no greater than that found within the general population, that there are twice as many individuals who will state that they are Republicans as those who will state that they are Democrats can easily give the impression of a heavily Republican population. However, active-duty enlisted personnel remain strongly independent when compared to the civilian population. Of special note is a markedly higher political efficacy among military enlisted personnel than is found within the general American population. / text

<p>This manuscript is comprised of three papers that examine the far-reaching and often invisible political outcomes of gender role socialization in the United States. These papers focus primarily on two areas: political confidence amongst girls and women, and the effects of gender on survey measurement and data quality.</p><p>Chapter one focuses on political confidence, and the likelihood that women will run for political office. Women continue to be underrepresented at all levels of political leadership, and their lack of political ambition, relative to men, has been identified as a primary cause. In this paper, I explore the relationship between an individual's masculinity and femininity and her development of political ambition. Using original survey data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), I first empirically demonstrate that gender (masculinity/femininity) and sex (male/female) are unique elements of identity and, moreover, are both independently related to political ambition. I then explore the relevance of gender for the study of candidate emergence, testing whether and how masculinity and femininity might be related to political ambition are supported empirically. While the results suggest that masculinity is positively associated with the development of political ambition, the relationship between femininity and candidate emergence seems to be more complicated and not what prevailing stereotypes might lead us to expect. Moreover, while the relationship between masculinity and political ambition is the same for men and women, the relationship between femininity and political ambition is very different for women than it is for men. This study suggests that gender role socialization is highly related with both men's and women's desire to seek positions of political leadership.</p><p>Chapter two continues this exploration of gendered differences in the development of political ambition, this time exploring how social attractiveness and gendered perceptions of political leadership impact the desire to hold political office.Women are persistently underrepresented as candidates for public office and remain underrepresented at all levels of government in the United States. Previous literature suggests that the gendered ambition gap, gender socialization, insufficient recruitment, media scrutiny, family responsibilities, modern campaign strategies, and political opportunity structures all contribute to the gender imbalance in pools of officeholders and candidates. To explain women's reticence to run, scholars have offered explanations addressing structural, institutional, and individual-level factors that deter women from becoming candidates, especially for high positions in the U.S. government. This paper examines a previously unexplored factor: how dating and socialized norms of sexual attraction affect political ambition. This study investigates whether young, single, and heterosexual women's desire for male attention and fear of being perceived as unattractive or "too ambitious" present obstacles to running for office. The results of these experiments suggest that social expectations about gender, attraction and sexuality, and political office-holding may contribute to women's reticence to pursue political leadership. Chapter two is a co-authored work and represents the joint efforts of Laura Lazarus Frankel, Shauna Shames, and Nadia Farjood.</p><p>Chapter 3 bridges survey methodology and gender socialization, focusing on how interviewer sex affects survey measurement and data quality. Specifically, this paper examines whether and how matching interviewer and respondent sex affects panel attrition--respondents dropping out of the study after participating in the first wave. While the majority of research on interviewer effects suggests that matching interviewer and respondent characteristics (homophily) yields higher quality data, little work has examined whether this pattern holds true in the area of panel attrition. Using paradata from the General Social Survey (GSS), I explore this question. My analysis reveals that, despite its broader positive effects on data quality, matching interviewer and respondent sex increases likelihood to attrit. Interestingly, this phenomenon only emerges amongst male respondents. However, while assigning female interviewers to male respondents decreases their propensity to attrit, it also increases the likelihood of biased responses on gender related items. These conflicting outcomes represent a tradeoff for scholars and survey researchers, requiring careful consideration of mode, content, and study goals when designing surveys and/or analyzing survey data. The implications of these patterns and areas for further research are discussed.</p><p>Together, these papers illustrate two ways that gender norms are related to political outcomes: they contribute to patterns of candidate emergence and affect the measurement of political attitudes and behaviors.</p> / Dissertation

Perspectiva convencional na Ciência Política prevê associação forte entre educação e comportamentos políticos desejáveis para a convivência democrática. Essa abordagem também infere que aumentos no nível de escolaridade de uma nação serão acompanhados por ganhos sustentados em participação e apoio a princípios democráticos, além de impactos na confiança nas instituições. Essas hipóteses foram revistas e testadas para o Brasil, com análise de surveys aplicados entre 1989 e 2006. As evidências encontradas confirmam a perspectiva convencional, observado um só ponto no tempo e ressalvadas dimensões de associativismo. A análise longitudinal, entre as duas pontas do período, revelou retornos declinantes para a escolaridade adicionada por diferentes níveis de instrução, sobretudo o ensino médio. Fatores relativos ao ambiente educacional, às gerações e às capacidades cognitivas foram investigados para compreender esse achado. A capacitação cognitiva do cidadão indicou ter efeito independente da escolaridade na conformação dos comportamentos políticos, sugerindo que é na perda de qualidade da escolarização brasileira recente que devem ser buscadas explicações. / Conventional wisdom in Political Science predicts strong association between education and political behavior favorable to democracy. This perspective also infers that increases in educational attainments levels of a nation bring sustainable gains in terms of civic and political participation and democratic principles support, as well as impacts on trust in institutions. These hypotheses were reviewed and tested on the Brazilian context, with analysis of surveys from 1989 to 2006. The evidence gathered confirm the conventional wisdom, when a single point in time is observed and with the exception of dimensions of civic engagement. The longitudinal analyses between the extremes of this time span revealed decreasing rewards to the education added up by different educational levels, specially the upper secondary (ensino médio). Factors related to the educational environment, generations and cognitive skills were then investigated in order to understand the findings. The development of cognitive skills showed effects on political behavior independent from education, suggesting that explanations must be searched for on the loss of quality of the Brazilian educational system.

This paper explores the political behavior process in information system implementation process. The organizational politics is the critical success/failure factor in the IS implementation process. We expect to understand, in different organizational contexts, what kind of political behavior will occur? What will be the events and processes of these political behaviors? Who's idea? At what time? In what setting? What will be the interaction among these dimensions? How will these political behaviors affect IS outcome and organization? This study will explain political behavior in IS implementation process from different interpretations and perspectives. This study relies on qualitative data collected from two cases--manufacturer Theta and government enterprise Delta--in the forms of interviews, documented data, archival data, and observation over eight month. The data are interpreted through five internally coherent theoretical perspectives: personal perspective, strategic contingency theory, conflict theory, social exchange theory, and structuration theory. Contributions include the following. In practice, we group 35 kind of political behavior into four types: aggression, defense, strengthen, withdrawal. Besides the adverse effects, some kinds of political behavior can lead to the success of the project. The detailed descriptions we use to describe the political behavior process in IS implementation process can help in similar cases to show how to reduce or prevent any negative consequences. Academically, we conduct contextual and process theory analyses of these processes, and use five theoretical perspectives to interpret these phenomena.

Why do international migrants send money home? What are the implications of these monetary flows for developing countries? Long debated by economists and sociologists, these questions have received very little attention in the political science literature. This dissertation argues, however, that remittances—money sent home or “remitted” by international migrants—have significant implications for the study of politics. My main contention is that international migrants assume a more significant welfare burden when their home government’s commitment to social insurance provision is in decline. Remittances, in other words, flow to compensate non-emigrating citizens for state retrenchment and the absence of a robust welfare state. I argue that this “transnational safety net” makes remittance recipients (RRs) less vulnerable to economic instability than neighbors who do not receive this money. All else equal, RRs should be more contented with their economic circumstances and have fewer economic grievances with which to politicize. The income-stabilizing and insurance effect of remittances, then, should reduce public pressure on the state, leaving RRs less motivated to mobilize against and punish incumbents for a poor economy when public safety nets are weak. Evidence comes from an original survey of 768 Mexican households, field interviews, and time-series data published by the Bank of Mexico. Statistical tests reveal that Mexicans abroad remit more to families that do not receive social benefits and send roughly $2.5 million more home for every $10 million reduction in spending on social programs by the Mexican government. Analyses furthermore reveal that despite being very poor on average, RRs tend to enjoy higher levels of income stability, are less likely to identify an economic matter as “the most important problem facing Mexico,” and make more positive and optimistic assessments of the national economy and their own financial circumstances. In the 2006 Mexican presidential election, I find that RRs were up to 15 percent more likely to stay home on election day at the expense of the primary opposition party and significantly less likely to punish the incumbent party with a vote for either of the major opposition parties if they did vote. / text

To this point research on firms’ political behavior has contributed knowledge concerning large firms’ relationships and strategies with political actors and their surrounding environment. Less is known about small firms’ behavior towards political organizations. As a matter of fact, the fields of international marketing, international business and corporate political science have left the political behavior of small firms almost untouched. Therefore, extant literature assumes that small firms due to their resource constraints are passive receivers of political initiatives. About 99 percent of all firms within the European Union are small firms, and it is therefore questioned whether all these firms are passive receivers of political initiatives. The intention with this thesis is to challenge some assumptions regarding how small firms manage their relationships with political actors concerning EU related rules and regulations. Consequently, the study raises the overarching research question; how do small firms manage their political environment? Theoretically, the study takes a network perspective on business political interaction to examine both individual and/or collective political behavior of small firms. It develops a theoretical view constituted of knowledge, commitment and legitimacy. Methodologically, two sequential stages are followed: first an in-depth qualitative case study of three successful cases is presented and second, the in-depth understanding is broadened to a wider population of firms based on a quantitative survey. A central contribution of this thesis is to aid research on the political behavior of small firms. It is found that small firms, in contrast to prevailing assumptions, do possess political resources. They are not passive receivers of political initiatives. Instead, the findings show that small firms are active and can exercise influence. This, however, is shown to be dependent on the firm’s political commitment, political knowledge and competency and business-political legitimacy. It is also shown that small firms mobilize these critical resources not only directly, but also indirectly through various intermediating actors. Besides the theoretical contributions, these conclusions are important not just because of the managerial implications but also, and perhaps more importantly, for the policy implications that can be drawn from the study. Being exploratory and opening up the black box of small firm’s political behavior, the thesis ends with a number of future research directions.

Que traduit la hausse de la participation aux élections présidentielles françaises de 2007 et américaines 2008 ? À partir d’enquêtes électorales française, américaine et canadienne, notre étude met en lumière les changements d’attitudes politiques des citoyens survenus ces dernières années et la pratique croissante d’une participation intermittente et sélective. Ces changements qui résultent de logiques d’individualisation ont permis aux individus de s’extirper de contraintes d’appartenance sociale et de s’affranchir d’allégeances partisanes. Leur jugement se fonde désormais sur une évaluation des critères de l’offre électorale. L’individualisation des valeurs en politique se traduit notamment par une évolution du sens du vote et une hiérarchisation des scrutins. Les électeurs ne se délaissent pas les élections, ils choisissent simplement de participer autrement. Plus instruits, plus autonomes et plus critiques, ces citoyens prescrivent des changements profonds de l’offre. Afin de rallier le plus grand nombre de suffrages, les candidats se voient contraints d’adapter leurs dispositifs stratégiques aux évolutions des comportements politiques des citoyens : structuration des partis, modernisation des campagnes électorales, militantisme à « la carte », nouvelles formes d’engagement politique, usage de l’Internet. Tout est fait pour que le citoyen individualisé trouve dans ces manières de faire la politique les bonnes raisons de voter. / What does the increase of the voter turnout in the 2007 French and the 2008 American presidential election mean? With the French, American and Canadian surveys, we highlight the changes in the political attitude of the citizens occurred in recent years. The voters are now practicing an intermittent and selective voting. This changing political behavior reflects a growing individualization values in politics. They are making their mind up from an assessment of the electoral issues positions, an evolution of the meaning of the vote and, a priorization of elections. Voters are not leaving the polling stations, they are only choosing to participate in different way. More educated, autonomous and critical, the citizens require deep changes in the political evaluations. So, by winning number of votes, candidates have to adapt their strategical plan of actions by including the individualized behavior of the citizens : structuring the political party, modernizing the electoral campaigns, promoting a membership “à la carte”, developing new forms of political engagement, and using the Internet. Everything is done to increase the individualized citizens vote.

Na área da Ciência Política, estudos sobre o comportamento político e eleitoral, sob diferentes perspectivas analíticas, permitem verificar um conjunto de variáveis e indicadores que elucidam aspectos da cultura política e do processo de construção democrática. O objetivo da presente tese é compreender a lógica do comportamento político de Toledo, PR, a partir da identificação das percepções, motivações e atitudes dos cidadãos em relação à política e às instituições democráticas. Os dados examinados, oriundos de pesquisas realizadas na região, evidenciam um cenário de ceticismo e de decepção frente à atuação dos políticos e do desempenho socioeconômico do regime democrático. Observou-se uma tendência do voto personalista em detrimento do voto programático/partidário, especialmente entre eleitores que expressaram baixos níveis de interesse por política, de confiança institucional e de participação política. O argumento é de que a personalização do poder e práticas como o clientelismo, o nepotismo e a corrupção estão enraizados na cultura política brasileira, apesar dos avanços na institucionalização de procedimentos poliárquicos. / In the area of political science, research on political and electoral behavior from different theoretical perspectives allows us to examine several variables and empirical indicators that enlighten political culture aspects as well as a deep understanding of the democratic construction process. The main objective of this dissertation is to understand the underlying logic of political behavior in Toledo –Parana- Brazil, based upon the analysis of perceptions, motivations and attitudes of citizens in regards to politics and political democratic institutions. The data examined through research conducted in this State show a context where cynicism and deception with politicians and government’s socio-economic performance prevail. The results also indicated a personalistic tendency to vote instead of a programmatic-partisan vote, especially among electors that showed low levels of political interest, as well as reduced indices of institutional trust and political participation. The main argument oft this study is that the personalization of political power and practices such as clientelism, nepotism and corruption are rooted in the Brazilian political culture, in spite of advances in the poliarquical formal democratic procedures.

Na área da Ciência Política, estudos sobre o comportamento político e eleitoral, sob diferentes perspectivas analíticas, permitem verificar um conjunto de variáveis e indicadores que elucidam aspectos da cultura política e do processo de construção democrática. O objetivo da presente tese é compreender a lógica do comportamento político de Toledo, PR, a partir da identificação das percepções, motivações e atitudes dos cidadãos em relação à política e às instituições democráticas. Os dados examinados, oriundos de pesquisas realizadas na região, evidenciam um cenário de ceticismo e de decepção frente à atuação dos políticos e do desempenho socioeconômico do regime democrático. Observou-se uma tendência do voto personalista em detrimento do voto programático/partidário, especialmente entre eleitores que expressaram baixos níveis de interesse por política, de confiança institucional e de participação política. O argumento é de que a personalização do poder e práticas como o clientelismo, o nepotismo e a corrupção estão enraizados na cultura política brasileira, apesar dos avanços na institucionalização de procedimentos poliárquicos. / In the area of political science, research on political and electoral behavior from different theoretical perspectives allows us to examine several variables and empirical indicators that enlighten political culture aspects as well as a deep understanding of the democratic construction process. The main objective of this dissertation is to understand the underlying logic of political behavior in Toledo –Parana- Brazil, based upon the analysis of perceptions, motivations and attitudes of citizens in regards to politics and political democratic institutions. The data examined through research conducted in this State show a context where cynicism and deception with politicians and government’s socio-economic performance prevail. The results also indicated a personalistic tendency to vote instead of a programmatic-partisan vote, especially among electors that showed low levels of political interest, as well as reduced indices of institutional trust and political participation. The main argument oft this study is that the personalization of political power and practices such as clientelism, nepotism and corruption are rooted in the Brazilian political culture, in spite of advances in the poliarquical formal democratic procedures.

Peru not only is a presidentialist country, but also is a democracy without parties and a state with poor politic system institutionalized. In this context, the president’s leadership is important to explain the dynamic politic of the country. Since the return of democracy in 2001, presidents enter with high levels of approval but end with low levels. Paradoxically, that dynamic develop in a context of growth economic and boom of commodities, debating with main explains of politic behavior focus in economic performance, party affiliation and politic leadership. However, the discussion about relationship with politic system and president’s dynamic in presidential approval was little. From an analysis of the processes and politics dynamics to the governments of Alan García (2006-2011) and Ollanta Humala (2011-2016), this investigation argues that there is a close relationship begin politic system post-Fujimori and highs levels of presidential’s disapprove. In that sense, the high level of presidential’s disapprove will be reflection of a political class delegitimized due to the permanence of an anti-government discourse, breach of electoral promises, absence of a solid party apparatus and a poorly redistributive economic system, these being the characteristics of the post-Fujimori political system. Finally, president’s personality, his management capacity and initiative, and control of politics joints will be crucial to demonstrate fragility of presidential figure. In this way, the dynamic of economic growth has demonstrated the institutional poverty of Peruvian political system demonstrating in the presidential disapproval. / El Perú es un país presidencialista que ha sido, además, caracterizado como una democracia sin partidos y un sistema político escasamente institucionalizado. En este contexto, el liderazgo presidencial es importante para explicar la dinámica política del país. Desde el retorno a la democracia en el 2001, los presidentes ingresan con altos niveles de aprobación y culminan con niveles muy bajos. Paradójicamente, esta dinámica se desarrolla en un contexto de crecimiento económico y el boom de los commodities, discutiendo con las principales explicaciones de comportamiento político centradas en desempeño económico, la afiliación partidaria y liderazgo político. Sin embargo, poco se ha discutido sobre la relación entre el sistema político y la dinámica presente en la aprobación presidencial. A partir de un análisis de los procesos y dinámicas políticas de los gobiernos de Alan García (2005 -2011) y Ollanta Humala (2011-2016), la presente investigación sostiene que existe una estrecha relación entre el sistema político peruano post-Fujimori y los elevados niveles de desaprobación presidencial. En este sentido, la alta desaprobación presidencial será el reflejo de una clase política deslegitimada debido a la permanencia de un discurso antipartido, incumplimiento de las promesas electorales, ausencia de un aparato partidario sólido y un sistema económico poco redistributivo, siendo estas las características del sistema político post-Fujimori. Finalmente, la personalidad del presidente, su capacidad de gestión e iniciativa, y el manejo de las coyunturas políticas serán cruciales para demostrar la fragilidad de la figura presidencial. De esta manera, la dinámica de crecimiento económico ha evidenciado la precariedad institucional del sistema político peruano reflejándose en la desaprobación presidencial.