L’organisation par projet, entendue comme réorganisation radicale du travail autour d’un ou de plusieurs projets simultanés, est aujourd’hui largement répandue dans les grandes entreprises et dans les administrations publiques. Nombre de recherches en sciences de gestion expliquent cette vaste diffusion par la capacité de ce système à réduire considérablement les délais productifs. Toutefois, comme tout système productif, sa performance repose également sur l’implication des salariés intervenants dans les projets. Là encore, à en croire la rhétorique managériale, l’organisation par projet se révèlerait vertueuse : en accordant une plus grande autonomie aux salariés dans l’acte productif et en développant leurs qualifications par le biais des mobilités et de la pluridisciplinarité des équipes de travail, elle parviendrait à susciter pleinement leur engagement.Toutefois, des recherches en sciences de gestion et en sociologie nuancent quelque peu ce point de vue : l’organisation par projet se montrerait également déstabilisante pour les salariés. Ce constat, a priori contradictoire, invite à examiner comment la combinaison entre organisation du travail, management et systèmes informatiques, dans l’organisation par projet, rénove le régime de mobilisation des salariés. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, cette recherche s’appuie sur des observations, une analyse documentaire et 108 entretiens menés auprès de techniciens, ingénieurs et cadres de la conception de deux grandes entreprises françaises des secteurs automobile et aéronautique, où l’organisation par projet est fortement répandue. Structurée en trois parties, la démonstration se déroule de la manière suivante. La première partie démontre que les contraintes qui émanent de l’organisation du procès de travail, du management et des systèmes informatiques parviennent à mobiliser les salariés dans l’acte productif. La deuxième partie dévoile, ensuite, que l’engagement productif des salariés ne signifie pas qu’ils adhérent et légitiment pleinement cette forme d’organisation du travail. En dépit des sources de satisfaction qu’elle contient, l’organisation par projet s’avère, en effet, déstabilisante et ne manque pas de susciter des critiques chez les salariés. Enfin, la troisième partie de cette thèse explique les raisons de la portée subversive toute relative de ces discours et pratiques contestataires. La première de ces raisons est que le mécontentement se manifeste à un niveau individuel et ne trouve pas de relais auprès des instances capables de structurer une action collective et organisée. La seconde raison réside dans le fait que l’organisation par projet parvient à désamorcer la critique en l’individualisant et en se montrant sourde à l’égard de ses diverses manifestations. In fine, à travers son pouvoir coercitif et sa capacité à étouffer les formes de contestation formulées à son égard, l’organisation par projet parvient à se dispenser de l’adhésion pleine et entière des salariés ; ce qui, comme nous le verrons tout au long de cette thèse, n’est pas sans conséquence sur leur rapport au travail et leur santé. / The project-based organization, considered as a radical reorganization of work around one or more simultaneous projects, is nowadays widespread in large companies and public administrations. Many management science studies explain this wide dissemination by the capacity of this system to considerably reduce the time of production. However, like any production system, its performance also relies on the involvement of the employees working on the projects. Moreover, according to the managerial way of thinking, the project-based organization would be virtuous: by giving more autonomy to the employees in the act of production and by developing their skills through mobility and interdisciplinarity of work teams, it would be able to arouse their full commitment. However, some sociological and management science studies somewhat qualify this opinion: the project-based organization would be unsettling for workers, as well. This, which could seems to be contradictory first, makes necessary to study how the combination of work organization, management and computer systems, in the project-based organization, reforms the workers’ commitment system. To answer this question, this study is based on observations, a literature review and 108 interviews with technicians, engineers and executives from industrial design. They work in two large French companies of automotive and aircraft manufacturing industries, where the project-based organization is widespread. Structured in three parts, the demonstration takes place as follows. The first part shows that the constraints created by the organization of the work process, the management and the computer systems enable to mobilize employees in the act of production. Then, the second part reveals that the productive commitment of the employees does not mean that they legitimate and adhere to this form of work organization. In spite of the sources of satisfaction it has, the project-based organization is in fact unsettling and sparks off criticisms among workers. Finally, the third part of this thesis explains the reasons of the slight subversive side of these dissenting opinions and practices. The first of these reasons is that the discontent comes to an individual level; there are no go-betweens able to structure a collective and organized action. The second reason is that the project-based organization manages to stop criticisms by focusing to its individual part and by being deaf to its various manifestations. Finally, through its coercive power and its capacity to hush up the forms of protests made against it, the project-based organization manages to dispense with the full commitment of workers, which, as we will see throughout this thesis, has many consequences on their conception of work and health.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise qui aborde la thématique de la mobilisation et de la participation des citoyens au développement de leur communauté, présente les résultats d'une recherche qualitative menée auprès de citoyens de la communauté de Saint-Camille, au Québec. Le contexte actuel mondial dans lequel nous vivons, avec en trame de fond la mondialisation et le déclin de l'État-providence, a des impacts importants sur nos sociétés. Les collectivités territoriales, qui sont victimes de la délocalisation économique et sociale, se retrouvent en marge du système économique mondial et ont peine à assurer une qualité de vie appréciable à leurs concitoyens. Dans ce contexte, le développement des communautés apparaît être une approche prometteuse qui mise sur l'implication des citoyens pour agir sur leur milieu. Or, cette implication citoyenne demande nécessairement des efforts et du temps, alors que le travail et la famille prennent déjà une place importante dans le quotidien de l'individu. La mobilisation et la participation des citoyens au développement de leur communauté restent donc difficiles à actualiser. Néanmoins, certaines communautés sont des exemples positifs de développement des communautés et les citoyens qui y habitent prennent en charge leur propre développement. C'est le cas du village de Saint-Camille, au Québec. Cette étude de cas a pour objectif principal de comprendre quels sont les éléments interférents auprès des individus et favorisant la mobilisation et la participation à court et à long terme, dans le cadre d'initiatives de développement au sein de la communauté de Saint-Camille. C'est par la réalisation de sept entrevues semi-dirigées auprès de citoyens et citoyennes et d'un groupe de discussion auprès de leaders de ce village, ainsi que 25 heures d'observation participante et une analyse documentaire que nous avons pu dégager une explication du phénomène de la mobilisation et de la participation. Cette explication qui s'articule autour de quatre axes, soit la communauté constituée, les éléments déclencheurs, les éléments interférents et les conditions de maintien de la mobilisation/participation, amène des pistes intéressantes pour tout ceux qui ont à mobiliser et faire participer des citoyens.

MA Cum Laude / Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (International Studies) at Stellenbosch University / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The objective of this thesis is to explain the differing levels of rural activism in Brazil and South Africa. As both countries are plagued with similar land and poverty disparities, the varying intensity and national organisation of rural movements is striking. In Brazil a strong and nationally organised rural movement, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem- Terra (MST), established itself as the leading rural movement; whereas South Africa’s National Land Committee (NLC) remained weak and ultimately collapsed. Today, South Africa is characterised by a complete lack of a national representation of rural interests and shows only timid attempts at the local level. In order to address the issue systematically and comprehensively, the thesis first provides a historical outline of both countries, thereby discerning similarities and differences in social, economic and political development. Subsequently, and based upon these findings, a systematic comparison of the NLC and MST is conducted. Utilising contemporary social movement theory, a synthesised theoretical framework of political opportunities, resource mobilisation and framing processes is proposed to methodically compare movement dynamics. Applying this synthesised framework the protest cycles of the NLC and the MST are compared, namely the emerging phase, the stabilisation and decline/resurgence phase. The study points to a complex network of reasons for varying rural activism. In South Africa an overall demobilising constellation of important movement dynamics led to the collapse of the NLC and the weakening of the rural grassroots. Political opportunities changed from overly exclusive to overly inclusive in South Africa whereby the NLC’s resource mobilisation became narrowly institutionalised; containing most oppositional forces at the national and local level. In Brazil, in contrast, political opportunities remained ambivalent throughout MST existence; thereby providing enough loopholes to achieve partial success and yet maintaining the critical distance and constraints which necessitates and legitimates grassroots mobilisation. In Brazil, land distribution has been singled out early as the prime source for deprivation and consequently served as a vantage point for framing processes which stimulated a coherent idea of landlessness and the legitimation of land occupations. The exclusive/inclusive dichotomy of the South African society with its strong racial overtones led to framing processes which interpret land reform as an exclusive state affair; thereby discouraging land occupations and merging land with the broad context of social injustice in South Africa. The thesis concludes that the historically constructed and contemporarily continued racial dichotomy of South Africa’s society has ultimately hampered rural movement dynamics in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die tesis is om die verskille in aktivisme dinamiek van grondhervormingsbewegings in Suid-Afrika en Brasilië te verduidelik. Die verskillende in terme van nasionale organisasie en intensiteit is merkwaardig gegewe dat beide state gekenmerk word deur soortgelyke grond en armoede ongelykhede. In Brasilïe is ’n sterk en nasionaal georganiseerde beweging, die Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais-Sem Terra (MST) gevestig as die leidende grondhervormingsbeweging, terwyl Suid-Afrika se Nasionale Grond Komitee (National Land Committee, NLC) swak gebly het en eindelik as ’n beweging verval het. Suid-Afrika word vandag gekenmerk deur die afwesigheid van ’n nasionale artikulasie van die belange van grondloses met gebrekkige pogings om hul belange op plaaslike vlak te verteenwoordig. Ten einde die kwessie sistematies en omvattend aan te spreek, verskaf die tesis eerstens ’n historiese konteks van die politieke ekonomie van grond in beide state ten einde verskille en soortgelykhede uit te wys. Hierna word die MST en die NLC sistematies vergelyk. Deur gebruik te maak van kontemporêre sosiale bewegingsteorie word ‘n gesintetiseerde teoretiese raamwerk – wat fokus op Politieke Geleenthede, Hulpbron Mobilisering en Orienteringsprosesse – voorgestel om metodologies die dinamiek van die bewegings te ontleed. Deur die gesintetiseerde raamwerk toe te pas, word die protes siklusse van die NLC en die MST vergelyk, naamlik die ontstaan fase, die stabiliseringsfase en die verval/herlewingsfase. Die studie ontrafel ‘n kompleks netwerk van redes vir gedifferensieerde grondaktivisme. In Suid-Afrika het ‘n reeks demoboliserende faktore gelei tot die verval van die NLC en die verswakking van plattelandse organiasies op voetsoolvlak. Politieke geleenthede het verander van eksplisiet eksklusief na eksplisiet inklusiewe prosesse waardeur die NLC se basis vir hulpbron mobilisering baie nou geinstitusionaliseerd geword het en waardeur meeste aktiviste op nasionale en plaaslike vlak gekoopteer is. In Brasilïe in teenstelling het politieke geleenthede tydens die MST se bestaan ambivalent gebly en as gevolg daarvan voldoende ruimte gebied om ‘n kritieke afstand teenoor die staat in te neem. In Brasilïe is grondhervorming reeds lank gelede geidentifiseer as die oorsaak vir ontneming en het gevolglik gedien as die basis vir mobilisering rondom grondbesit en die legitimering van onwettige grond okkupasie. Die eksklusief/inklusief dichotomie van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing met gepaardgaande ras-kompleksiteit het gelei tot prosesse waardeur grondhervorming as ‘n ekslusiewe staats kwessie gesien is wat daardeur onwettige grond besettings verminder het en die debat rondom grondhervorming vetroebel het as net nog ‘n geval van sosiale ongeregtigheid. Daar word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die historiese konstruksie en voortgesette rasse konteks waarbinne grondhervoming in Suid-Afrika plaasvind, die moontlikheid vir ‘n soortgelyke aktivistiese grondhervormingsbeweging soos in Brasilïe kniehalter.

The politicization of ethnic diversity has long been regarded as perilous to ethnic peace and national unity, its detrimental impact memorably illustrated in Northern Ireland, former Yugoslavia or Rwanda. The process of indigenous mobilization followed by regional mobilizations in Bolivia over the past decade has hence been seen with some concern by observers in policy and academia alike. Yet these assessments are based on assumptions as to the nature of the causal mechanisms between politicization and ethnic tensions; few studies have examined them directly. This thesis systematically analyzes the impact of ethnic mobilizations in Bolivia: to what extent did they affect ethnic identification, ethnic relations, and national unity? I answer this question through a time-series analysis of indigenous and regional identification in political discourse and citizens’ attitudes in Bolivia and its department of Santa Cruz from 2000 to 2010. Bringing together literature on ethnicity from across the social sciences, my thesis first develops a framework for the analysis of ethnic change, arguing that changes in the attributes, meanings, and actions associated with an ethnic category need to be analyzed separately, as do changes in dynamics within an in-group and towards an out-group and supra-group, the nation. Based on this framework, it examines the development of the two discourses through a qualitative analysis of anthropological accounts, news reports, and expert interviews. In both discourses, the unity of the respective in-group is increasingly stressed, before diverging conceptions become ever more prominent. Finally, my thesis quantitatively examines changes in in-group identification, out-group perception, and national unity, using survey data collected by the Latin American Public Opinion Project over the decade. It finds changes in identification that can be clearly linked to political mobilization. More citizens identify as indigenous and Cruceño, respectively, and do so more strongly than before. Yet identification then decreases again, concomitant with the growing divisions in discourse. Moreover, the rise in identification is not associated with a rise in out-group antagonism or a drop in national unity. On the contrary, the latter has increased steadily among all Bolivians. Besides shedding light on ethnic relations in Bolivia, this analysis thus also contributes to the wider debate on the effects of ethnic politics. It shows that identifications do indeed change in response to mobilizations, that they do so more quickly than expected and not necessarily in the manner as expected, demonstrating that it is necessary to carefully distinguish different elements of ethnicity.

This study looks into communicative processes and media practices among members of a subaltern social movement. The aim is to gain an understanding of how these processes and practices contribute to symbolic cohesion in the movement, how they develop and are socialized into practices, and how these processes and practices help challenge hegemonic groups in society. These questions are explored through a qualitative study, based on fieldwork and interviews, of a subaltern social movement. The empirical object of the study is the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST), which was founded in 1984 to promote agrarian reform and defend the rights of rural workers in Brazil.   At the macro-level, the discussion addresses social realities marked by the meta-processes of globalisation, neo-liberalisation, and mediatisation. Against this background, the experiences of MST militants and of the movement as a whole help us to understand how different communicative processes play a role in the ways people experience globalisation, neo-liberalisation, and mediatisation in their daily lives. Departing from an understanding of communication as a process that structures practices (mediated and non-mediated), this study questions the media-centric understanding of communication, arguing that media practices are created through appropriation processes.   The results show that communicative processes are crucial to reinforcing values and symbologies associated with the rural worker identity. There is also a high level of reflexivity about media practices and an understanding that they must serve the principles of the collective. As a consequence, the movement seeks to maintain control over media, routinely discussing and evaluating the adoption and use of media. The interviews show ambivalence towards the alleged dialogic and organisational potential of digital media and to the adaptability of these media to the MST’s organisational processes. Through observation, it is possible to conclude that media have an instrumental function, as opposed to a structural function, in the processes of social transformation engendered by the MST. / This study looks into communicative processes and media practices among members of a subaltern social movement. The aim is to gain an understanding of how these processes and practices contribute to symbolic cohesion in the movement, how they develop and are socialized into practices, and how these processes and practices help challenge hegemonic groups in society. These questions are explored through a qualitative study, based on fieldwork and interviews, of a subaltern social movement. The empirical object of the study is the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST), which was founded in 1984 to promote agrarian reform and defend the rights of rural workers in Brazil. The results show that communicative processes are crucial to reinforcing values and symbologies associated with the rural worker identity. There is also a high level of reflexivity about media practices and an understanding that they must serve the principles of the collective. As a consequence, the movement seeks to maintain control over media, routinely discussing and evaluating the adoption and use of media. The interviews show ambivalence towards the alleged dialogic and organisational potential of digital media and to the adaptability of these media to the MST’s organisational processes.

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Universiẗat, Diss., 2005--Karlsruhe.