PREFACE: Indian removal was one of the most vital problems in the early history of the State of Tennessee. When this state came into the Union she had title to only two widely separated triangles of land, one in northern Middle Tennessee, the other in East Tennessee. The Indians held title to all other lands within her limits, and these lands practically surrounded the white settlements. Squatters who settled upon Indian soil and holders ot North Carolina land warrants petitioned the Federal Government to purchase Indian land; public officials pleaded for the purchase of Indian land to aid in the development of transportation facilities and in the expansion of the state. The state could legally expand only as she obtained land from the Indians; therefore the Indians were constantly pressed for cessions of land, until they were entirely removed from the state.

Thesis (M.A.) at University of Tennessee from 1923 describing relations between the Cherokee and English prior to 1763. This thesis by David Buchanan contains detailed accounts of the Cherokee nation before colonization of the Cherokee territories in the Appalachian region as well as interactions between the English army and settlers.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Jordão Machado / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Banca: Francisco Cabral Alambert Júnior / Banca: José Ribeiro Júnior / Banca: Eliana Maria de Melo e Souza / Resumo: Nesta pesquisa analisamos a trajetória intelectual de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda entre os anos de 1930 e 1980. Neste período decisivo da história contemporânea do Brasil, o autor não só esteve presente nos principais momentos como refletiu sobre eles, suas conseqüências, seus desdobramentos. Além dos livros clássicos, o autor se manifestou por meio de uma vasta produção jornalística, que permanecia, até então, desconhecida do público. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivos gerais, primeiro uma parte prática, ou seja, a organização do material inédito de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, disperso em arquivos de jornais, universidades, museus e bibliotecas, que não havia sido totalmente organizado e que ainda aguardava o devido tratamento; segundo, uma parte teórica, o desafio de procurar captar, na trama de suas experiências pessoais, o pensamento político de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda como intelectual ativo na sociedade em que vivia, seja por meio das idéias, seja por meio da ação direta, buscando determinar além de suas peculiaridades, as suas convergências no campo de sociabilidade no qual se movia. / Abstract: In this research we analyzed Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's intellectual track between the years of 1930 and 1980. In this remarkable period of Brazilian contemporary history, the author wasn't only present in the most important moments but he also had some influences in them, through the consequences he caused due to his attitudes. Besides showing himself through classic books, the author was also present in a vast journalistic production, that remained unknown by the public before. This research had as general goals a practical and a theoretical phase. The practical phase consists of the organization of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's unpublished material, that was disperse in newspaper archives, universities, museums and libraries. Material which hadn't been organized and set and was still waiting for the suitable treatment. The next phase of the research, the theoretical one, focuses on the challenge of capturing the political views of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda as an active intellectual in the society he lived in, either by his ideas or by his direct attitudes trying to determine his particularities and convergences in the social field of that time. / Doutor

The purpose of this study was to examine the creation of Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party in 1966. I argued that Huey P. Newton was a creation of several elements: the black ghetto of Oakland; the rise of Black Power and the death of non-violence in the civil rights movement; the New Left and its factions; and, the Black Panther Party through the "Free Huey" campaign. The "Free Huey" campaign that arose from Newton's imprisonment in 1968, constructed an iconic image of Newton that he inherited on his release in 1970. This study will contextualize Newton and refute the claims of Hugh Pearson, author of the 1994, The Shadow of the Panther, who deemed Newton as a common criminal, not worthy of historical debate.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2014 / It is important to note that much has been written on South Africa’s national Unity Government. Previous studies conducted on this topic were not as extensive as expected. Such studies were also unscientific, non-academic and more of journalistic writings. This lends credence to the necessity of undertaking an in-depth study on the topic which entails, inter alia, the impact of the Unity Government’s performance on various areas of governance from 1994-1999. The year 1994 is considered a turning point in the political history of South Africa. The people of South Africa gave the national Unity Government (GNU) a mandate through the country’s first democratic elections on the 27th April 1994 to embark on the fundamental transformation of the country. The upside of it was the trust and confidence that the black majority of South Africa had in the ANC-led government to redeem the country from high levels of unemployment, abject poverty, economic decline, to mention but a few. However, what was considered a set of solution to South Africa’s socio-economic problems, presented yet another set of challenges for the new government. Policy formulation and implementation became one of the major challenges of the unity government. The three parties in government namely, the African National Congress, Inkatha Freedom Party and the National Party did not always agree on issues of fundamental importance.On the education front, the statistical data point to service delivery and resource allocation challenges. Compared to learning institutions in white communities, some schools in KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, Eastern Cape and Free State, were inadequately resourced and service delivery was far from reality. The unequal distribution of resources became the order of the day. The need to ensure economic growth and development through sound economic principles and policies could not be over-emphasized in the prevailing circumstances. The NP was critical of the ANC’s economic policies and often criticized them in public. This hampered the envisaged collective effort to effectively address the economic ills of the country. Another area of challenge was the multi-party politics within the government. It was expected that the ANC, IFP and NP as part of the coalition government sing the same tune in order to advance the course of democracy in South Africa. However, this was not always the case. The IFP advocated for a federal state, the NP felt so strong about the need for power-sharing, while the ANC on the other hand, with compromised stance on unitary state, had serious reservations about such propositions. This caused serious divisions among the three parties and it had a negative and detrimental impact on their collaborative effort. Eventually, the NP deemed it fit to withdraw from the Unity Government; thereby swelling the opposition ranks. Failure to reconcile their differences created a dangerous loophole. Another responsibility, with which the unity government was charged, was the realignment of South Africa’s foreign relations. This was quite a difficult challenge to deal with given the country’s image in the global context. South Africa had lost credibility with the global community because of the apartheid policy whose cause she championed unreservedly since 1948 up until the 1990s. The Unity Government’s sole responsibility in this regard, was to change the perception of the global community through the establishment of sound international relations and the maintenance of diplomatic ties. This would help South Africa expand on her economic sphere through foreign trade and investment; which were critical to economic growth and development. The legacy left by the interim Unity Government, points to the inadequate capacitation and perhaps limited resources to efficiently respond to the needs and demands of the country. In the post 1999 period, South Africa was still confronted with persistent poverty, high levels of unemployment, unequal allocation and distribution of resources as well as service delivery challenges. The first five years of democracy in South Africa were such a robust political engagement. It could be termed a “trial and error” period. Challenges of diverse magnitudes under such conditions would often be inevitable. Negative criticism becomes a possible eventuality. In the case of South Africa, the Unity Government was perceived by most South African citizens as the agent of transformation despite its shortfalls.

Historians have expressed a variety of opinions concerning the true significance of the Congress of Berlin. While the 1878 meeting did not have to deal with questions as comprehensive as those discussed in Vienna in 1814-1815 or at Paris in 1856, the Congress of Berlin had great impact in its own right. While the Berlin meeting made decisions in order to reorganize the Balkans after years of instability and war, it also created a split in relations between the German Empire and Imperial Russia which would eventually drive the two powers towards conflict in "The Great War" in 1914.

This thesis presents a critical analysis of the historical roles assigned to the prosecutors of Socrates by modern historians. Ancient sources relating to the trial and the principles involved, and modern renditions, especially those of John Burnet and A. E. Taylor, originators of the theory that the trial of Socrates was politically motivated, are critically analyzed and examined. The thesis concludes that the political motive theory is not supported by the evidence on which it relies.

It is only hoped that this preliminary attempt to analyze the functions of county government in the Territory of Utah will strike a note of interest in other students and give them ideas for further study.

no / Since 1989 Romania has gone from communist isolation under the megalomaniac Nicolae Ceauescu to being a key player in America's war against terrorism. Because of this strategic location it has become a front-line state for nervous Western governments keen to secure oil routes from the Middle East. It joined NATO in 2004 and is due to enter the European Union in 2007-08 despite its economy being unprepared to meet the competition challenges from established members. Tom Gallagher analyses how the country is seeking to recover from a disastrous period in its history while many of the key legacies of dictatorship remain. Having lynched the discredited Ceauescu in 1989, former acolytes have spent the past fifteen years trying to retain a monopoly of control behind the facade of a Western-style democracy. They combined their political ambitions with acquiring the control of vast amounts of private property denied to them by Ceauescu. Political institutions were given a facelift, as in the case of the intelligence services which became a crucial power-base for the ruling Social Democratic Party (PSD). The state continued to be used to serve narrow private interests. Replacing the communist dynasty of the Ceauescus, there is now an oligarchy drawn from the PSD and its satellites in the bureaucracy, major industries, and the intelligence world which grew wealthy through insider privatisation and the looting of the country's banks. Romania is now at a crucial turning-point. In 2004 the mobilisation of civil society contributed to the narrow victory of Traian B sescu in presidential elections. It is unclear whether he can win control over the key levers of state necessary to stem the corruption and abuse of power which have blighted Romania's hopes of breaking free from its communist-era legacy. The PSD is now led by Mircea Geoana, the son of a general in Ceauescu's Securitate. He has recruited a string of Western politicians to block pressure for meaningful change from Brussels and to ensure that accession to the EU occurs without serious reform.

No description available.