<p>This dissertation consists of an examination of the Liberal Unionist party over the entire period of its existence, from 1886to1912, and demonstrates the importance of the party to a complete understanding of British political history in the late-Victorian and Edwardian periods. The Liberal Unionist party retained a significant degree of independence from other parties for far longer than historians have generally assumed. In particular, the relationship between the Liberal Unionist party and the Conservative party, with whom they co-operated in an electoral alliance from 1886 and participated in a coalition government from 1895 to 1905, continued to be fraught with tension and conflicts over parliamentary representation and ideology until the last years of the party's existence. Conversely, many Liberal Unionists retained ties of sentiment and ideology with the Liberal parties for many years after the Home Rule division of 1886. In the course of demonstrating the continued independence of the Liberal Unionist party, this dissertation examines the central and local party organization, the operation of the electoral alliance between the Liberal Unionists and Conservatives, and the construction and nature of Liberal Unionist identity. An important component of this dissertation is the identification of every Liberal Unionist candidate and M.P. based on a variety of primary sources (see Appendixes C and D), which allows for a more detailed and accurate discussion of the history of the party than previously had been possible.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The world first heard of Sun Yat-sen in 1896 when the British government intervened to save him from deportation to Chine as a refugee. A decade and half later the public read with amazement that this name refugee had lived to be proclaimed the First President of the Republic of China. This men conspirator, a "visionary", socialist dreamer, a fighter for right end Justice became the hero and idol of the Chinese people. Today he is held in greater entres then any living statesmen or any political philosopher of the pet century. The respect mid his memory is paralleled in Chinese history only by the veneration due Confucius. His ultimate position in Chinese history is yet to be determined, but five years after his death he lives in the hearts of the people as the nation's greatest lender and as the outstanding figure of the Chinese Revolution

This paper is about the primary campaign of Senator Eugene McCarthy in the State of Indiana in 1968. It will focus its attention on Indianapolis, the largest city and the capital of the state, and an area where the Senator did quite poorly. (1) Though some magazine articles, newspaper stories and books have been useful, this paper is basically the campaign as viewed by 20 participants. Without their cooperation, it could not have been written.

In this thesis I have examined the attitudes on the Negro question of the members if the Indiana delegation to the Congress of the United States during the period 1861-1865. Two Congresses were is session during this period--the Thirty-seventh and the Thirty-eighth. The Globe and newspapers of the period have been my two primary sources of information. Every shade of opinion was expressed ranging from the utterances of so-called Abolitionist Republican George W. Julian, to the ultra-conservative sentiments voiced by Daniel Voorhees, Democrat.

From 1962 to 1975, General Features Corporation distributed a column by traditional conservative Russell Kirk. The column appeared on the political page of newspapers across the country under the title “To The Point”.1 The column provided social commentary on a wide variety of topics ranging from foreign policy, to civil rights, to feminism. Papers that carried the column included Los Angeles Times (1962-early 1968), New Orleans Time-Picayune (late 1962-late 1971), Detroit News (early 1970-1975).2 The research for this thesis included both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources included articles housed at the Russell Kirk Center for Cultural Renewal, Mecosta, Michigan, the University of Tennessee library, and the Sherrod library at East Tennessee State University.

There have been many notable politicians in the United States during the twentieth century. Some, like Teddy Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan, were known for their swagger and appeal to the common man. Others, like Bill Clinton and Franklin Roosevelt, were known for their charisma and intelligence. However, one in particular was known for caring, compassion, strength, and determination. Robert Francis Kennedy lived in interesting times, surrounded by large egos and near mythical figures. But Kennedy was arguably one of the most important figures of the last fifty years. The ideas and ideals that he espoused still resonate nearly forty years after his tragic demise. What made Robert Kennedy so unique was the circumstances of the last four and half years of his life (November 1963-June 1968). The RFK we remember today was not exactly what he really was during life. In addition, he went through a transformation unparalleled by many of his generation. This thesis tracks the life of this very important figure and shows how the assassination of his brother, John F. Kennedy, forever changed him into a titanic figure in American history.

This dissertation is an interpretive analysis of the political background of the American annexation and administration of the Philippine Islands between 1900 and 1920. It seeks to analyze the political value of supporting and opposing imperialism to American political parties and elites. Seeking to capitalize on the American victory over Spain in 1898, the Republican Party embraced the annexation of the Philippines as a way to promote an idea of rising American international power. Subsequently, their tenure in the Philippines can be analyzed as bringing industrialization to the Philippines for political gain, casting themselves in a politically popular role of nation builders and bringers of democracy. In opposing the Republicans, Democrats became anti-imperialists by default. After overcoming the initial unpopularity of that ideology, they were able to redefine it in such as way as to co-opt the original Republican successes in the Philippines. As such, the Democratic tenure in the Philippines emphasizes political gamesmanship and patronage that allowed them to effectively "steal" the credit for the democratization of the Philippines for partisan gains against the Republicans.

During the early 1830’s, the nascent American Antislavery Society needed support at the local level. This thesis argues that college and seminary students were a crucial demographic that helped garner support for, and spread, abolitionism. Examining the proliferation of radical abolitionism at three locations, Lane Seminary, Andover Theological Seminary, and Amherst College, reveals that students developed intellectual and moral arguments to justify their abolitionist sentiments. Typically, student abolitionists rhetorically battled with faculty, administration, and other students, who all supported colonization, over competing solutions to the problem of slavery. At all three locations, faculty and administration sought to suppress student abolitionism for a number of reasons, chief among them was the adherence to contemporary racial prejudices. Despite faculty restrictions, student abolitionists remained active in the movement in various capacities and were pivotal actors that helped spread abolitionism. Centering these locations in the historical narrative of the antebellum era illuminates the power dynamics at institutions of higher learning and how concepts of race, freedom, citizenship, and free speech were intellectually debated. In turn, students were resolved to engage with the foremost problem facing society, racial slavery, and believed immediate emancipation and racial equality were the solutions. This history complicates the current trend in the historiography that focuses on the complicity of America’s universities with the institution of racial slavery and reveals that the history of student activism in the United States can be traced back to antebellum era campuses.

This thesis explores the relationship between proto-democracy, multiculturalism, and state formation. In the introduction, I express the desire to ascertain how legal multiculturalism on the Isle of Man could be viewed as a product of the shared proto-democratic character of the Irish and the Norse legal traditions. Further, I wish to explore how this multiculturalism influenced the development of the state on the island and, coming full circle, what multiculturalism and state formation meant for the future of proto-democracy on the island. In this thesis, I conclude that many of the institutions that played a role in fostering state formation on Man, such as the keys, coroners, and parishes, were themselves a product of legal multiculturalism. Further, I argue that this legal multiculturalism and state formation in turn results in a loss of institutions on Man that characterized the separate legal traditions as proto-democracies. / Master of Arts

This thesis examines historical writing and use of history among women within the Swedish nobility during the early modern period. The study has shown that political history in several cases was transmitted for the purpose of protecting or asserting collective, family-related aswell as individual status and positions, within the framework of women's informal exercise of power. Consequently, it can also be understood as expressions of emotion and political agendas in one – in other words as emotives. Sources conveying political history often express political diplomacy, which for example shows in how they separate content in different categories, support power or omit politically sensitive information. It can be explained by that the authors and their relatives were actors during the strengthening of the early modern state apparatus, and also victims of an ongoing power struggle within and between the nobility and the crown. The thesis also shows examples of internalized conflicts or possible cognitive dissonances relating to simultaneously fearing and depending on power, most clearly for the later investigation period. The study also exemplifies how material produced in this field could be viewed after the establishment of modern genre conventions, when it was often categorized into privately coded genres. Furthermore it shows that the private characteristics of rhetoric enabling this may have been a strategic choice in order to enable a political narrative.