This research purpose organizes the fair influence to organizing of the political consciousness in order to probe into, and then deepening test can organize political consciousness because working anxiety and intermediary result to organize cynicism influence the justice of organizing. So, this research is with Ferris et al. (2002) Revise models as basis in political consciousness of organizations put forward. Probe into it after the member realizes the existence which organizes politics, the phenomenon that they will produce ' work anxious '. After using structural equation modeling¡]SEM¡^ to analyze the research data in 2008, provided by Political Perception Research Team, which is led by Prof. Chin-Ming Ho, the new findings include: 1. organize the fair influence for organizing of the political consciousness, construct the surface and appear and shoulder in the ' general political consciousness ' apparently relevantly; On ' keep silent, wait for advantage quietly ' construct surface appear apparent to shoulder relevantly; Appear and shoulder in ' the policy and practice disparity ' apparently relevantly. 2. organize the political consciousness to be anxious and apparent to influence to the work. 3 .organize the political consciousness for organizing the cynicism to be apparent to influence. 4. it is anxious to work and is defeated by fairly influence in organizing. 5. organize the cynicism to defeat by fairly influence in organizing. 6. it is anxious with organizing the cynicism in order to organize the political consciousness and intermediary which the organization promise to change one to work.

none

Employees¡¦ perception of organizational political level will influence employees¡¦ decision whether to get involved with organizational politics or to isolate from organizational behaviors, it will reflect significantly on the working attitude directly and will influence the organizational commitment level and performance of employees indirectly, further more, it will decrease the organizational productivities. This research was conducted to focus on that whether employees¡¦ organizational political perception will influence their organizational commitments and performances, also to discuss the connection between each other. The research method this study used was group segmentations. After empirical analysis, we found out: 1. In the organizational political perception, ¡§boss¡¦s and colleague¡¦s behaviors¡¨ dimension has a significant negative correlation with affective commitment and normative commitment; ¡§the differences between policies and realities¡¨ dimension presents the same result as well. ¡§Boss¡¦s and colleague¡¦s behaviors¡¨ dimension has a significant positive correlation with continuance commitment. 2. There is only ¡§the differences between policies and realities¡¨ dimension reaching a significant positive correlation with task performance and contextual performance in organizational political perception. 3. By using K-mean ¡§Cluster analysis¡¨, we got four different types of group representing four different categories of ¡§organizational political perception¡¨. We named them by their characters, the names and characters are described as follow: 3-1 Slow: employees in the type do not react fast enough regarding political behaviors and working environment atmosphere due to the employees¡¦ insensitivity. 3-2 The perception of Complies in public but opposes in private: employees can sense that organization does not behave the same way in terms of policies and operations; they do nothing with this scenario. 3-3 The perception of keen actions: The members of perceptional organization are more sensitive with the interpersonal relationship, and they response the working environment with positive and active attitudes. 3-4 The perception of silence and waiting: Employees can sense that organization behaves in the same way in terms of policies and operations; they have a concept that ¡§Silence is gold¡¨. 4. In ¡§slow¡¨ type, the perception dimension of ¡§keeping silence and waiting for benefit¡¨ has a negative correlation with ¡§task performance¡¨; the perception dimension of ¡§the differences between policies and realities¡¨ has a negative correlation with ¡§affective commitment¡¨ and ¡§task performance¡¨. 5. In ¡§The perception of complies in public but opposes in private¡¨ type, the perception dimension of ¡§boss¡¦s and colleague¡¦s behaviors¡¨ has a positive correlation with ¡§continuance commitment¡¨, but has a negative correlation with ¡§contextual performance¡¨; the perception dimension of ¡§keeping silence and waiting for benefit¡¨ has a positive correlation with ¡§contextual performance¡¨. 6. In ¡§The percept of keen and action¡¨ type, the percept dimension of ¡§boss¡¦s and colleague¡¦s behaviors¡¨ has a negative correlation with ¡§affective commitment¡¨, but has a positive correlation with ¡§continuance commitment¡¨ and ¡§contextual performance¡¨. 7. In ¡§The perception of silence and waiting¡¨, the perception dimension of ¡§boss¡¦s and colleague¡¦s behaviors¡¨ has a negative correlation with ¡§normative commitment¡¨; the perception dimension of ¡§keeping silence and waiting for benefits¡¨ has a positive correlation with ¡§contextual performance¡¨; the perception dimension of ¡§the differences between policies and realities¡¨ has a negative correlation with ¡§affective commitment¡¨ and ¡§contextual performance¡¨.

This thesis explores the multiple ways women’s capacity for political action was perceived, both by themselves as well as by others, in the early years of the French Revolution. By beginning with women’s journey to Versailles in the October Days of 1789 and concluding with the National Convention’s closure of all women’s political clubs in October 1793, this thesis will suggest that women perceived themselves politically and as viable revolutionary participants, but that these identifications were grounded in and shaped by hegemonic eighteenth-century gender norms, and often demonstrated continuity with their pre-revolutionary identities. In many cases, both men’s and women’s perceptions of women’s appropriate political roles were influenced by idealized standards and gender norms, as exemplified by the fictitious character, Sophie, from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s 1762 treatise, Emile, or On Education. The ways women rationalized their political inclusion and situated themselves within the developing revolution demonstrate a sense of compromise with the same norms and ideals which were increasingly used to justify their complete exclusion from political life. Through stressing revolutionary ideals such as equality and unity and by underscoring the importance of their complementary revolutionary contributions, women presented a view of themselves as necessary and viable participants in revolutionary politics in a way that, by late October 1793, increasingly seemed to threaten established societal views on the appropriate boundaries of female political life. / Graduate / 2019-08-22