The central aim of this thesis is to deconstruct and reconstruct the dominant theoretical perceptions of diplomacy, by reworking radically existing theories of diplomacy. This thesis achieves reconceptualisation of diplomatic theory by critiquing the thoughts and ideas of theorists postulating on modern diplomacy. Consequently, this thesis is concerned (largely) with the theoretical terrain of diplomacy studies.The purpose of this intended deconstruction and reconstruction is to introduce and construct three lucid types of diplomatic theory. These three types or categories introduced in this thesis are Traditional, Nascent and Innovative Diplomatic Theory. By categorising these three distinct types of theories, it is hoped that the diplomatic scholar will have a choice of lenses through which to interpret the complexities of the modern diplomatic environment. Ultimately, this thesis aims to strengthen Traditional Diplomatic Theory (TDT) and introduce/construct two alternate forms of diplomatic theory, Nascent Diplomatic Theory (NDT) and Innovative Diplomatic Theory (IDT).

This thesis analyses the contemporary phenomena of globalisation, the knowledge economy and internationalisation in terms of their synergistic impacts on higher education and with special reference to China and New Zealand. Globalisation and the knowledge economy are seen to fuel each other as well as driving trends in higher education. Internationalisation is shown to be intimately related to, but conceptually distinguishable from, globalisation, and to occur partly as a consequence of the latter (and of developments in the knowledge economy) but partly also as a response to these forces. All three phenomena are addressed through assessments of their dominant economic imperatives. As a prerequisite to understanding and critiquing these forces and their dominant imperatives, the early chapters expound a further tripartite structure, this time of political-economic theories: neoliberalism, neo-Marxism, and Giddens' 'Third Way'. The lens through which the analysis is made is explicitly neo-Marxist. The thesis critiques the ascendancy of neoliberalism in the discourse of globalisation, and the knowledge economy and the internationalisation of higher education. Neoliberalism's ascendancy is shown to be promoted through global, regional, national and sub-national entities, and this promotion is found to be often covert. The middle section of the thesis traces the effects on higher education of the economic, and specifically neoliberal or global-capitalist imperatives that the foregoing analysis reveals. Policies of deregulation, liberalisation, marketisation, privatisation and commercialisation are shown to exert largely negative influences on universities and, by extension, on other higher education institutions. They over-emphasise the private value of both knowledge itself and higher education as a knowledge agent, something which leads to a homogenising, devaluing 'commodification' of higher education. Having made the general case, the thesis then considers the Asia-Pacific region before focusing in depth on China and New Zealand. This structure makes for a macro-meso-micro approach to the development of the inquiry but with emphasis on the macro and the micro. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the establishment of a 'counter-hegemony' to oppose the dominance of neoliberal principles and policies. The study culminates by recommending the emergent concept of interculturalism as both an accurate description of the intersection of cultures on campus and a desirable nonnative policy which should complement internationalisation as part of national and institutional response strategies. The thesis argues for the legitimation and encouragement of neo-Marxist interculturalisation and outlines its relevance to New Zealand higher education institutions, which host many international and new immigrant students, above all from China. / Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.

This thesis analyses the contemporary phenomena of globalisation, the knowledge economy and internationalisation in terms of their synergistic impacts on higher education and with special reference to China and New Zealand. Globalisation and the knowledge economy are seen to fuel each other as well as driving trends in higher education. Internationalisation is shown to be intimately related to, but conceptually distinguishable from, globalisation, and to occur partly as a consequence of the latter (and of developments in the knowledge economy) but partly also as a response to these forces. All three phenomena are addressed through assessments of their dominant economic imperatives. As a prerequisite to understanding and critiquing these forces and their dominant imperatives, the early chapters expound a further tripartite structure, this time of political-economic theories: neoliberalism, neo-Marxism, and Giddens' 'Third Way'. The lens through which the analysis is made is explicitly neo-Marxist. The thesis critiques the ascendancy of neoliberalism in the discourse of globalisation, and the knowledge economy and the internationalisation of higher education. Neoliberalism's ascendancy is shown to be promoted through global, regional, national and sub-national entities, and this promotion is found to be often covert. The middle section of the thesis traces the effects on higher education of the economic, and specifically neoliberal or global-capitalist imperatives that the foregoing analysis reveals. Policies of deregulation, liberalisation, marketisation, privatisation and commercialisation are shown to exert largely negative influences on universities and, by extension, on other higher education institutions. They over-emphasise the private value of both knowledge itself and higher education as a knowledge agent, something which leads to a homogenising, devaluing 'commodification' of higher education. Having made the general case, the thesis then considers the Asia-Pacific region before focusing in depth on China and New Zealand. This structure makes for a macro-meso-micro approach to the development of the inquiry but with emphasis on the macro and the micro. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the establishment of a 'counter-hegemony' to oppose the dominance of neoliberal principles and policies. The study culminates by recommending the emergent concept of interculturalism as both an accurate description of the intersection of cultures on campus and a desirable nonnative policy which should complement internationalisation as part of national and institutional response strategies. The thesis argues for the legitimation and encouragement of neo-Marxist interculturalisation and outlines its relevance to New Zealand higher education institutions, which host many international and new immigrant students, above all from China. / Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.

This thesis analyses the contemporary phenomena of globalisation, the knowledge economy and internationalisation in terms of their synergistic impacts on higher education and with special reference to China and New Zealand. Globalisation and the knowledge economy are seen to fuel each other as well as driving trends in higher education. Internationalisation is shown to be intimately related to, but conceptually distinguishable from, globalisation, and to occur partly as a consequence of the latter (and of developments in the knowledge economy) but partly also as a response to these forces. All three phenomena are addressed through assessments of their dominant economic imperatives. As a prerequisite to understanding and critiquing these forces and their dominant imperatives, the early chapters expound a further tripartite structure, this time of political-economic theories: neoliberalism, neo-Marxism, and Giddens' 'Third Way'. The lens through which the analysis is made is explicitly neo-Marxist. The thesis critiques the ascendancy of neoliberalism in the discourse of globalisation, and the knowledge economy and the internationalisation of higher education. Neoliberalism's ascendancy is shown to be promoted through global, regional, national and sub-national entities, and this promotion is found to be often covert. The middle section of the thesis traces the effects on higher education of the economic, and specifically neoliberal or global-capitalist imperatives that the foregoing analysis reveals. Policies of deregulation, liberalisation, marketisation, privatisation and commercialisation are shown to exert largely negative influences on universities and, by extension, on other higher education institutions. They over-emphasise the private value of both knowledge itself and higher education as a knowledge agent, something which leads to a homogenising, devaluing 'commodification' of higher education. Having made the general case, the thesis then considers the Asia-Pacific region before focusing in depth on China and New Zealand. This structure makes for a macro-meso-micro approach to the development of the inquiry but with emphasis on the macro and the micro. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the establishment of a 'counter-hegemony' to oppose the dominance of neoliberal principles and policies. The study culminates by recommending the emergent concept of interculturalism as both an accurate description of the intersection of cultures on campus and a desirable nonnative policy which should complement internationalisation as part of national and institutional response strategies. The thesis argues for the legitimation and encouragement of neo-Marxist interculturalisation and outlines its relevance to New Zealand higher education institutions, which host many international and new immigrant students, above all from China. / Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.

This thesis analyses the contemporary phenomena of globalisation, the knowledge economy and internationalisation in terms of their synergistic impacts on higher education and with special reference to China and New Zealand. Globalisation and the knowledge economy are seen to fuel each other as well as driving trends in higher education. Internationalisation is shown to be intimately related to, but conceptually distinguishable from, globalisation, and to occur partly as a consequence of the latter (and of developments in the knowledge economy) but partly also as a response to these forces. All three phenomena are addressed through assessments of their dominant economic imperatives. As a prerequisite to understanding and critiquing these forces and their dominant imperatives, the early chapters expound a further tripartite structure, this time of political-economic theories: neoliberalism, neo-Marxism, and Giddens' 'Third Way'. The lens through which the analysis is made is explicitly neo-Marxist. The thesis critiques the ascendancy of neoliberalism in the discourse of globalisation, and the knowledge economy and the internationalisation of higher education. Neoliberalism's ascendancy is shown to be promoted through global, regional, national and sub-national entities, and this promotion is found to be often covert. The middle section of the thesis traces the effects on higher education of the economic, and specifically neoliberal or global-capitalist imperatives that the foregoing analysis reveals. Policies of deregulation, liberalisation, marketisation, privatisation and commercialisation are shown to exert largely negative influences on universities and, by extension, on other higher education institutions. They over-emphasise the private value of both knowledge itself and higher education as a knowledge agent, something which leads to a homogenising, devaluing 'commodification' of higher education. Having made the general case, the thesis then considers the Asia-Pacific region before focusing in depth on China and New Zealand. This structure makes for a macro-meso-micro approach to the development of the inquiry but with emphasis on the macro and the micro. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the establishment of a 'counter-hegemony' to oppose the dominance of neoliberal principles and policies. The study culminates by recommending the emergent concept of interculturalism as both an accurate description of the intersection of cultures on campus and a desirable nonnative policy which should complement internationalisation as part of national and institutional response strategies. The thesis argues for the legitimation and encouragement of neo-Marxist interculturalisation and outlines its relevance to New Zealand higher education institutions, which host many international and new immigrant students, above all from China. / Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.

This thesis analyses the contemporary phenomena of globalisation, the knowledge economy and internationalisation in terms of their synergistic impacts on higher education and with special reference to China and New Zealand. Globalisation and the knowledge economy are seen to fuel each other as well as driving trends in higher education. Internationalisation is shown to be intimately related to, but conceptually distinguishable from, globalisation, and to occur partly as a consequence of the latter (and of developments in the knowledge economy) but partly also as a response to these forces. All three phenomena are addressed through assessments of their dominant economic imperatives. As a prerequisite to understanding and critiquing these forces and their dominant imperatives, the early chapters expound a further tripartite structure, this time of political-economic theories: neoliberalism, neo-Marxism, and Giddens' 'Third Way'. The lens through which the analysis is made is explicitly neo-Marxist. The thesis critiques the ascendancy of neoliberalism in the discourse of globalisation, and the knowledge economy and the internationalisation of higher education. Neoliberalism's ascendancy is shown to be promoted through global, regional, national and sub-national entities, and this promotion is found to be often covert. The middle section of the thesis traces the effects on higher education of the economic, and specifically neoliberal or global-capitalist imperatives that the foregoing analysis reveals. Policies of deregulation, liberalisation, marketisation, privatisation and commercialisation are shown to exert largely negative influences on universities and, by extension, on other higher education institutions. They over-emphasise the private value of both knowledge itself and higher education as a knowledge agent, something which leads to a homogenising, devaluing 'commodification' of higher education. Having made the general case, the thesis then considers the Asia-Pacific region before focusing in depth on China and New Zealand. This structure makes for a macro-meso-micro approach to the development of the inquiry but with emphasis on the macro and the micro. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the establishment of a 'counter-hegemony' to oppose the dominance of neoliberal principles and policies. The study culminates by recommending the emergent concept of interculturalism as both an accurate description of the intersection of cultures on campus and a desirable nonnative policy which should complement internationalisation as part of national and institutional response strategies. The thesis argues for the legitimation and encouragement of neo-Marxist interculturalisation and outlines its relevance to New Zealand higher education institutions, which host many international and new immigrant students, above all from China. / Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.

Master of Arts / Department of Political Science / Emizet N. Kisangani / This study is an effort to shed some light on the causes of civil war. The literature on civil war onset has been framed under three main perspectives: cultural, political and economic approaches. Recent studies, however, tend to narrow the debate and posit explanations for civil war as either greed-motivated or grievance-motivated. This study replicates one of the most prominent econometric models on civil war, the Collier and Hoeffler model (CH), and further validated their economic interpretation of civil war as greed-motivated. Their argument is that greed-led behavior is motivated by an abundance of valuable resources. However, Collier and Hoeffler overlooked one critical element: scarce resources also contribute to discontent and violent protests. This study suggests that the CH model should include resource scarcity to avoid omitting variable bias.

This thesis is an investigation of the emergence of democracy and its localized culture in Taiwan during the Lee Teng-hui era and its legacy, from 1988 to 2004. From a Leninist authoritarian system, Taiwan experienced a peaceful transition to representative democracy. The establishment of the first opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), in 1986, and President Chiang Ching-kuo’s tolerance towards it, had signalled the commencement of Taiwan’s democratization. Various political opposition movements existed prior to 1986, especially between 1983 and 1986, indicating a gradual strengthening in the public’s political consciousness. The pivotal event to mark the democratization-localization movement in Taiwan was the emergence of a local Taiwanese, Lee Teng-hui, as President of the Republic of China and Chairman of the ruling party, the Chungkuo Kuomintang (KMT). This occurred when he succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo upon his death in 1988. Local politics henceforth emerged as a major force and KMT factional struggles had begun in earnest. During the democratic transformation that took place in Taiwan in the last quarter of the 20th century, the ruling power of the Waishengren political elite (that is, the Chinese who took over Taiwan in 1945) gradually transferred to local political leaders, and the suppressed issue of building an independent Taiwanese nation became politicized. Furthermore, the KMT itself was undergoing a far-reaching transformation, moving from liberalization, to democratization, to localization or Taiwanization. As a result, the issues of national recognition and the power redistribution of different national groups (from Chinese “Mainlanders” to local Taiwanese) had combined with democratization from the beginning. Democratization was assisted by institution-building through regular elections, an associated critical voice from opposition groups, a solid middle class, and the Taiwanization phenomenon itself. While the experience of colonial rule and an oppressive (rather than reformist) KMT may be said to be in the past, and hence less an impetus for action in the present, yet with the addition of a persistent military threat from People’s Republic of China seeking Taiwan’s “reunification” with the “motherland”, past, present and an anticipated future, combine contextually in the quest for Taiwan’s integrity – and hence the acquisition of an identity that is consciously Taiwanese rather than Chinese by default.

This thesis is an investigation of the emergence of democracy and its localized culture in Taiwan during the Lee Teng-hui era and its legacy, from 1988 to 2004. From a Leninist authoritarian system, Taiwan experienced a peaceful transition to representative democracy. The establishment of the first opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), in 1986, and President Chiang Ching-kuo’s tolerance towards it, had signalled the commencement of Taiwan’s democratization. Various political opposition movements existed prior to 1986, especially between 1983 and 1986, indicating a gradual strengthening in the public’s political consciousness. The pivotal event to mark the democratization-localization movement in Taiwan was the emergence of a local Taiwanese, Lee Teng-hui, as President of the Republic of China and Chairman of the ruling party, the Chungkuo Kuomintang (KMT). This occurred when he succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo upon his death in 1988. Local politics henceforth emerged as a major force and KMT factional struggles had begun in earnest. During the democratic transformation that took place in Taiwan in the last quarter of the 20th century, the ruling power of the Waishengren political elite (that is, the Chinese who took over Taiwan in 1945) gradually transferred to local political leaders, and the suppressed issue of building an independent Taiwanese nation became politicized. Furthermore, the KMT itself was undergoing a far-reaching transformation, moving from liberalization, to democratization, to localization or Taiwanization. As a result, the issues of national recognition and the power redistribution of different national groups (from Chinese “Mainlanders” to local Taiwanese) had combined with democratization from the beginning. Democratization was assisted by institution-building through regular elections, an associated critical voice from opposition groups, a solid middle class, and the Taiwanization phenomenon itself. While the experience of colonial rule and an oppressive (rather than reformist) KMT may be said to be in the past, and hence less an impetus for action in the present, yet with the addition of a persistent military threat from People’s Republic of China seeking Taiwan’s “reunification” with the “motherland”, past, present and an anticipated future, combine contextually in the quest for Taiwan’s integrity – and hence the acquisition of an identity that is consciously Taiwanese rather than Chinese by default.

Master of Arts / Department of Economics / Wayne Nafziger / This Master Thesis analyzes the factors that influence the occurrence of democide. The study focuses on a set of fifty three developing countries from 1960 to 2001. The dependent variable is democide and independent variables include: democide, International Monetary Fund (IMF) credits, consumer price index (CPI), gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, Gini index, military expenditures as a percentage of GDP, incidence of intrastate conflict, and democracy. An important limitation of the current literature has been the shortage of studies using yearly democide dataset. Even fewer of those studies strive to incorporate the actual number of people killed; instead they use democide as a dummy variable in their models. This study aims to fill this gap. The objective of this thesis is to answer an important question of whether the economic and social factors such as gross domestic product, IMF credits, income inequality, inflation, conflict history, and democracy play an important role in influencing murders by governments in the less developed and developing countries. The results when using democide as a dummy variable are consistent with the previous studies showing that conflict history and GDP per capita increase the likelihood of democides. This study also reveals that an increase in IMF funding last year can potentially lead to an increase in democide this year. Controlling for democracy does not have a significant effect on the regressions. The history of conflict remains statistically significant at one percent significance level in both fixed and random effect models using democide variable as an actual number of people killed regardless whether democracy variable is included or not. Military expenditures as a percentage of GDP also appear to be statistically significant at ten percent level. Even when IMF variable is replaced by IMF as a percentage of GDP and GDP per capita variable is replaced by a squared GDP, the history of conflict variables remain consistently statistically significant at one percent significance level in logit, probit, fixed, and random effect models.