This study was researched at Mnquma Local Municipality of Amathole District Municipality in Eastern Cape Province, in the Republic of South Africa. The study is about: The assessment of relationship between the traditional leaders and ward Councillors and its impact on service delivery: A case of Mnquma Local Municipality. This municipality consists of 61 wards and 41 ward Councillors. The purpose of this study was to investigate what causes tensions in the relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors and also how can it be managed and or be improved as it affects production in service delivery and development. Furthermore, the study seeks to find ways through which the relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors could be managed to harmonize the relationship between them in order to improve service delivery in Mnquma Local Municipality. Most municipalities which are based in rural areas in South Africa are faced with a lot of challenges which has left development staggering and thus in long run inefficiency in service delivery is caused. As a result of poor service delivery Mnquma Municipality is faced with the challenge of instability towards its management, whereby several Mayors have been chased away through protests, as result service delivery has been hampered and delayed. These challenges are the results of the poor relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors over land ownership, control and authority of resources for development. The legislations that govern traditional leaders are ambiguous or rather vague when it comes to their roles and functions in development and service delivery in the new democratic government of South Africa and thus cause the traditional leaders to feel that they are undermined by the ward Councillors whom according to traditional leaders feel they that ward Councillors are more recognized than them. It is in this context that this study seeks to investigate the causes of conflict between the traditional leaders and ward Councillors and how the conflict impacts on service delivery and development and also can it resolved to harmonize the situation. The researcher used a qualitative method to collect data, the questionnaires and interviews were conducted to Municipalities, Traditional Leaders, Municipal Managers, Ward Councillors, Ward Committees and the community. Data was collected and analysed using descriptive method. The researcher came out with the following summary of the findings: The management of relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors over ownership of projects, control, land distribution and authority is very poor. Traditional leaders felt that the present democratic government has given too much power to the ward Councillors for most development programs. There is no absolute proper consultation of traditional leaders by neither local government officials, municipalities and ward Councillors before any development is done in their areas. Poor recognition of traditional leaders by ward Councillors and other politicians. There is allegation by the community members and traditional leaders that ward Councillors are bias in delivering services, preference is given to the group that belongs to their party of interest. When there is development projects employment opportunity is not given to the local communities of that area. Traditional leaders are not allowed to actively participate in council meetings.

The study took a qualitative approach to the analysis of the effect of the politics-administrative interface on municipal service delivery. It was a case study of the Mnquma local municipality in the Eastern Cape Province. The researcher developed a keen interest in researching on the topic because the political infighting and clashes between politicians and administrators of the municipality have caused a public outcry for the root causes of the infighting to be effectively addressed and redressed. It is hoped that the findings and recommendations of the study will help, reshape public policy implementation, service delivery and fostering of mutual cooperative relations between politicians and administrators both at local government level and any other sphere of government in South Africa. The study, is categorized into five chronological chapters, with chapter one (introduction and background), chapter two (literature review), chapter three (research design and methodology), chapter four (data analysis, interpretation and presentation) and chapter five (conclusions and recommendations). The researcher used a sample size of 40 respondents who were selected using snowball sampling, a non-random sampling design spread accordingly over both politicians and administrators. Data collection was made possible through an open-ended questionnaire, interviews, observations and documentary analysis. Various reports and media statements were also used to augment this empirical study. The study also used an in-depth qualitative data analysis technique which was descriptive in nature and the study made numerous deductions and findings based on the collected and collated data. Findings of the study were, inter alia, too much politicization of the public sector, interference between politicians and administrators into each other’s affairs and vice versa and adverse effects of cadre deployment which are damaging service delivery. The study made numerous recommendations which included, inter alia, training and development of administrators and politicians on their respective roles and responsibilities, enforcement of the politics-administrative interface as a mutually beneficial approach to service delivery, need for proper interpretation of Acts and policy documents and the enforcing of section 139 interventions into municipalities.

In terms of the South African Government Structure, Local Government is entrusted with the service delivery mandate. Furthermore, Local Government, being the closest sphere of government to the people, is expected to enhance service delivery to the communities within its jurisdiction. Local Government has for the past four years, undergone numerous transformation processes, ranging from Local Authorities, to Transitional Local Councils and to Municipalities. Having mentioned that, Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality, in particular, has recently acquired metropolitan status, which requires another transformation protocol. At the same time this automatically raises the bar on the service delivery expectations by the communities. In general, Local Government has been extensively supported by the National and Provincial Governments to deliver superior services to communities. This has happened through numerous pieces of legislations such as the Municipal Structures Act 117 of 1998, the Municipal Systems Act 32 of 2000, the Municipal Finance Management Act 56 of 2003 and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, act 108 of 1996. In 1997, the South African Government introduced a White Paper on the Transformation of the Public Service. This was to re-emphasis on the performance enhancing role of both the political and administrative leadership in the implementation of service delivery mandates. The need was identified that communities require an assurance that their needs are taken care of by the leadership of the municipalities. It is therefore the role of leadership to ensure effective implementation of service delivery initiatives and to promote a culture of performance among the administrative officials of the municipality. The aim of this study is to critically investigate the role of leadership: A case study of Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM), with the view that BCMM is considered one of the high capacity municipalities within the Eastern Cape Province. During the literature review, it became evident that different people and scholars, dating back in the early 90’s, view leadership in different forms. In sourcing the information for this research, structured interviews were conducted with five Directors, five Executive Mayoral Councillors and five Ward Councillors. The interviews were an extensive consultation process which resulted in over 30 hours of engagement with research participants, with an average of 2 hours per structured interview. A four week period was allocated and effectively utilised for this exercise. The research provides recommendations for further research on other related components of the subject such as the intended role as compared to the current role fulfilled by both administrative and political leadership, and suggested solutions to the current problems in Municipalities, in order to ensure their sustainability within Local Government. The research findings identified the need for the leadership to take the leading role in service delivery initiatives in order to address the service delivery challenges in local government. Political leadership need to enhance the public participation process to ensure the community is on board regarding the progress of their respective projects and planning processes.

In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.

This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.

The participation of communities and community organizations in Municipal governance is set in terms of the law as a mechanism to deepen democracy. Municipalities are required to develop a culture of governance that complements representative democracy with community participation. However the participation of communities in local governance has not translated to the strengthening of governance and the deepening of democracy as municipalities have not done enough to involve communities in municipal affaires. Lack of human resources, and financial capacity have been cited as some of the reasons that beset municipalities and undermine citizen participation. Municipalities have taken steps to encourage community participation and these include establishment of structures to enable participation, however without the guidance and financial support of the municipalities these structures are not able to perform their functions. In spite of all the efforts made by municipalities to encourage participation, a culture of community participation has not yet taken root in local government. While the legislative framework provides for communities to participate, practice shows that the implementation of legislation is complex and requires dedicated capacities within the councils to be effective. This can be achieved when municipalities develop their own community participation policies which address their special circumstances, which must be reviewed on a regular basis. Unless communities are empowered with knowledge on the available participation mechanisms, the dream of a culture of participation will remain just that, a dream. Thus civic education coupled with capacity building of officials will assist in ensuring the development of a culture of participation. Council must also develop mechanisms to evaluate the effectiveness of community participation processes and procedures, to avoid a one size fits all approach. It is imperative that councils as the legislative arm of municipalities must lead the process and not leave everything to the executive arm.