A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts, Clinical Psychology. Johannesburg 1991. / The study focused on the perceptions and' experiences of youtlidn relation to patticip~fion in political violence. ;It examined the .relatierrship between exposure to state violence, expo§ure to domestic violence,. ideological support for violence and participation in poMticaLviolence;and explored the extcat to .which 'g~nder, age and socio-econemic status inf1u~nced,paiticip~at1o~ in political violence.' , \\ II The traditiL\nal an~ contextual theories of violence th~tTorward explanations for participa~()n in political. violence lwere reviewed and their merit relative to viqfence participation. critically examined. o , U .!,} _ " . . " Ojl,.i \ \r)' '~;;" , /.) ,. " } A structured self questionnaire was developed after an initial pool of item J pertaining to violence were generated, their psychometric properties.ofmtemal consistency ass(jssedand these clustered into the. various violence; scales. The revised questionnaire was adnlinistered to first entry undergraduate students (n= 1902, N:.:2677) at the Universityofthe Western Cape. The datawas analysed using quantitative methods, such as chi-square analyses, t-tests and cortelation ryatdces. Data that showed a high degree' of self-reported~ untruthfulness was discarded frorii further analysis. The level of statistical Significance was set at p< Oj0001. (I The results reveal that the majority of respondents were victims of state violence. Participation' in political violence is significantly related to exposure to state violence, an '~deological support of violence, as well as to being male and older. Gender and age differences were noted for participation in political violence with older males being politically violent. 1~lere wag, no significant difference for socio-economic status and participation ill political violence. The variable that showed the strongest relationship to participation in political violence was exposure to state violence (r=0,77), followed by ideological supportof violence (r=O,;2). The relationship of participation in political violence to exposure to domestic violence though significant was poor.(r=Oj08). Thus the study found that participation in political violence is mainly a function of exposure to state violence and is context specific. The youth had not learnt to be politically violent by being involved in domestic violence. Contextual theories seemed to offer a better explanation for participation in political violence for youth in South Africa. Future research should focus on the interrelationships between 1~6litica1 violence and interpersonal violence.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study concerns the state and violence in the Western Cape. This study was undertaken because the Western Cape has since 1996 been plagued by violence, including bombings, assassinations and violent protests. In particular these violent incidents have been labeled as terrorism or urban terrorism. The South African government does however not have a definition or a policy promulgated into law regarding terrorism. Very little progress has been in apprehending the person(s) and or group(s) responsible for these incidents of violence. The study therefore looked at violence in the Western Cape in an exploratory way. The aim of the paper was to (1) find credible appropriate definitions of terrorism, (2) to identify possible role players in violence, (3) to establish a chronology of violent events, (4) to identify the frequency, distribution and patterns of violence, (5) analyse the communication of events. An underlying theme throughout the paper is the weak state in which violence is a cause, consequence, and indicator of the weak state. The violence-plagued Western Cape is the geographical focus of the study. The paper looks at three incidents of violence, representative of the types of violence that have taken place in the Western Cape. The bombing of the Planet Hollywood restaurant, the killing of policeman Bennie Lategan and the killing of gangster Neville Herold are the cases discussed by in paper. For the purpose of the paper, the period of interest is the transitional period of the 1980's to 1994. The period under study is August 1998 to December 1999. After careful consideration of all the information the following conclusions where reached. The killing of Bennie Lategan is a terrorist act while the killing of Neville Herold and the Planet Hollywood bomb blast are not terrorist acts according to the definition used by this paper. PAGAD emerged as the major role player involved in violence. The organization is also complex and multidimensional with various groupings within the organization. The weak policing and justice systems are among the factors contributing to violence. The propositions and theories suggested by this study are based on current information and therefore speculative. Should more information become available these propositions may need to be revisited. Continual research on this topic is therefore important. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie gaan oor geweld in the Wes Kaap. Die studie was nodig omdat die Wes Kaap sedert 1996 geteister word deur geweld, insluitende bomplanting, sluipmoorde en geweldadige protesaksie. Hierdie geweldige insidente is bestempel as terrorisme of stedelike geweld. Die Suid Afrikaanse regeering het egter nie 'n definisie of beleid oor terrorisme nie. Baie min persone of groepe verantwoordelik vir geweld is voorgekeer. Hierdie studie gaan dus oor geweld in die Wes Kaap. Die doel van hierdie studie was (1) om 'n definisie van terrorisme, georganiseerde misdaad, geweld, vigilantisme en Islamietiese Fundamentalisme te vind, (2) om moontlike deelneemers van geweld te identifiseer, (3) om 'n kronologie van geweld op te stel, (4) Sekere patrone van geweld te identifiseer, en om te studeer wat hierdie insidente aan ander kommunikeer? 'n Onderligende tema, in die studie is die swak staat waarin geweld 'n oorsaak, gevolg en aanduiding is van die swak staat is. Die Wes-Kaap is die geografiese fokus van die studie. Die studie kyk na drie insidente van geweld wat alle tipe geweld in die Wes Kaap verteenwoordig. Die bomontploffing van die Planet Hollywood restaurant, die moord van polisieman Bennie Lategan en bende leier Neville Herold is die gevalle wat bespreek word in die studie. Vir die doel van die studie is die tydperk van die 1980' s tot 1994 van belang. Die tydperk onder bestudering is Agustus 1998 to January 1999. Na oorweging van al die informasie is die volgende gevolgtrekkings gemaak. Die Planet Hollywood ontploffing en die moord op Neville Herold is nie terroriste dade nie, maar die moord op Bennie Lategan is 'n terroriste daad. PAGAD kom te voorskyn as die grootse deelnemer in geweld. Die organisasie is kompleks en het veelvuldige dimensies met verskeie groepe binne die organisasie. Swak polisieering en die regstelsel is onder die faktore wat bydra tot geweld. Die voorstellings en teorië wat voorgestel in die studie, is gebaseer op huidige informasie en daarom is dit spekulatief. Indien meer inligting beskikbaar gemaak word sal die afleidings en voorstelle hersien moet word. Voordurende navorsing oor hierdie onderwerp is daarom nootsaaklik.

This thesis in an exploration of political mobilisation and its relation to violence and control in the townships of the Vaal Triangle, South Africa, c.1976 to 1986, with a particular focus on the Vaal Uprising of 1984. It examines the emerging conflict between councillors and local communities and the redrawing of imagined boundaries of community. Councillors were demarcated as a collective group that was perceived to be violating the social contract and were regarded as being obstacles to meaningful political change. The period saw the emergence of a localised discourse around accountability, political legitimacy, transparency, freedom and community. Political subjectivities were influenced by the straddling of everyday experiences of oppression, violence, inequality and poverty on one hand and the impact of ideologies of freedom and liberation on the other. The latter were promoted by the African National Congress in exile, as well as the United Democratic Front, but these organisations did not provide direct leadership. On 3 September 1984 the conflict escalated, sparked by an announcement to increase rent, service tariffs and municipal levies. It led to a large-scale uprising that altered the political and social landscape. It heralded the beginning of the insurrectionary period of the mid-1980s that brought the most sustained challenge to the apartheid regime. The relative success of the uprising in enforcing concessions from local authorities and the departure of councillors from the townships informed subsequent political strategies. The state attempted to win Hearts and Minds with limited reforms but also used heavy-handed repression. Terror began to escalate and state violence further conscientised and radicalised local communities. Youth activists in particular came to believe that the regime could only be overcome if confronted with strategies of political violence. Alleged informers and black policemen came under increasing attack, reflecting a redrawing of boundaries of community and hindering effective policing.

M.Sc. / The present study describes the experiences of participants on an Adventure Therapy project at the Ekupholeni Mental Health Clinic in Katlehong. It details an account of the violence, both political and everyday, that face South Africans, particularly children and youth. It also attempts to detail the reconstructive challenges facing a democratic South Africa on the road towards healing. The implicit values underlying the research process are the values of Community Psychology and the Action Research method. Themes were drawn from four taped interview (two group and two individual) sessions. These themes suggest that participants have had positive experiences of pride, dignity, control, responsibility and unity through involvement with the project. These experiences are however not without their contradictions. An attempt has also been made to report on this dialectic. The study makes recommendations regarding the improved functioning of this project and also more widely applicable lessons for working with communities. The recreation of community is a struggle better expressed as a process rather than an event. Further documentation of this project is recommended to build on this baseline data.

In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.

The advent of a political democracy in South Africa in 1994 generated hope for a better life for all South Africans especially those marginalised during the apartheid era. The newly formed democratic government was confronted with the mammoth task of expounding and decreeing policies and processes that would warrant equality and equity in the provision of basic services to its citizens. Local government being the third sphere of government and which is closest to the people was entrusted with the responsibility of rendering basic services to its people as well as to address the backlogs that have accumulated during the apartheid era as depicted in the 1996 Constitution. Despite the efforts made by government to meet the requirements of the people in providing them with adequate basic services such as clean water, electricity, roads housing and refuse removal, these services were either not provided at all or it was done at a snail‟s pace. This led to widespread service delivery protests. In light of the above, this empirical study investigates the causes of the service delivery protests in City of Johannesburg (CoJ) from 2009 until 2014. Numerous studies have been pursued to examine the reasons and causes for service delivery protests and the conclusions derived is the slow pace of providing electricity, water and sanitation to the local communities. It therefore can be deduced that no democracy can subsist and prosper if citizens are still living in deprivation and in a state of discrimination and unemployment without them having visions for a better life. The manifestation of service delivery protests is thus a risk to South Africa‟s young democracy and its sustainability, which cannot be ignored. The findings of this study clearly revealed that communities in the CoJ are discontented and disgruntled because of, amongst other things, the lack of delivery of basic services, the deployment of cadres to municipal management positions, the abuse of the tendering system, nepotism and favouritism, which have negatively affected service delivery. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration)

MA.CRM / Department of Criminal Justice / The policing response to increasing violent community violent protests in South Africa has received global attention in the last decade. The study was conducted with a backdrop of increased concern over skirmish and sporadic fighting and violence during service delivery protests. Criticisms have been voiced by various role-players in violent protests concerning arrests, injuries and killing of civilians by police during these demonstrations. Hence the study aims to evaluate the effectiveness of POP strategies in curbing common acts of violence during violent protests particularly in Vuwani area of Vhembe District, Limpopo Province. The study adopted a mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative method). Purposive sampling was used to select POP officials wherein Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were conducted in 9 difference POP units, each FGD was comprised of approximately 5 members which total to 45 POP members. A total of 200 questionnaires were randomly distributed to community members of Vuwani within 5 were found invalid. Quantitative Data was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) and qualitative data was analysed using thematic analysis. The findings indicated that (86,2%) of participants believed that Vuwani protest was caused by municipal demarcation issues. The favourite methods of protests include littering with (80,0 %) and burning tyres with (76,4%) of participants. A total of (52,8%) community members argued that police presence perpetuate violence during service delivery protest. Common crimes that occurred during the protests was vandalism with (82,6%) and arson with (81,0%). Furthermore, (83,6%) community members agrees that rubber bullets was used as a strategy by the police at Vuwani protests. The overwhelming majority of participants with 80,0% believe that negotiation during protests can curb death and injuries. On the other hand, the study finds that POP official strategies start by negotiating with the protestors, identifying the leader, use of water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets as the last resort. Further emphasized that lack of manpower and resources are barriers that hinders effective policing of violent service delivery protests. It is therefore recommended that provision of resource and recruitment of manpower should be taken as a first priority by the SAPS national office. Lastly, the public should be educated about police presence during violent service delivery protests. / NRF