Este trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso de três entidades do movimento apaeano (movimento das associações de pais e amigos dos excepcionais) do Brasil, a APAE Porto Alegre, a APAE Novo Hamburgo e a Federação das APAEs do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O estudo procurou identificar elementos que compõem e exemplificam a atuação de organizações da sociedade civil brasileira, principalmente sua relação com o Estado, através da experiência destas entidades selecionadas. Desta forma foram analisadas, a participação das entidades em conselhos gestores, a relação de representação estabelecida com seu público-alvo e as configurações apresentadas na sua relação com o poder estatal. Estes aspectos foram sistematizados à luz de referenciais teóricos que tratam da relevância da sociedade civil para o desempenho democrático, buscando, assim, revelar os pontos onde as considerações teóricas e a realidade empírica das instituições pesquisadas se encontram. A partir desta abordagem foram identificados os espaços de atuação política das APAEs e os mecanismos utilizados na formação deste espaço, desde a incorporação de práticas comuns à outras organizações da sociedade civil, como a participação em conselhos e a representação de um público perante o Estado, até os aspectos que revelam uma estrutura de atuação tradicionalmente vinculada à filantropia. / This work presents the case study of three entities belonging to the Brazilian APAE Movement (movement of associations of parents and friends of mentally impaired people): APAE Porto Alegre, APAE Novo Hamburgo and the Federation of APAEs from the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The study tried to identify aspects that compose and exemplify the action of Brazilian civil society organizations, particularly regarding their relations with the state, by means of experience gathered with the aforementioned entities. Thus, the participation of these entities in local administrative councils was analyzed, as well as the relation established with the group of people they represent and configurations displayed in their relation with the state power. These aspects were systematized taking into account theoretical references bearing on the relevance of civil society to democratic practice, therefore trying to reveal points where theoretical considerations and the empirical reality of the researched institutions do meet. Stemming from this approach the space for APAEs political action was identified, as well as the mechanisms used in the constitution of this space: from the incorporation of practices common to other civil society organizations – like council participation and public representation to a state – to aspects that reveal a structure of action traditionally linked to philanthropy.

This thesis explores the implications of the Internet for democracy, re-evaluating the various claims and counter-claims that have been made for the Internet's democratic potential. Based on a framework to measure democracy that emphasises popular control and political equality, it assesses whether the Internet gives a greater and more representative share of the population the opportunity to participate in the political process by focusing on use of the Internet to contact political representatives. The analysis combines secondary analysis of population surveys with original data collected in two online surveys from more than 14,000 users of successful contact facilitation platforms in the UK (WriteToThem.com) and Germany (Abgeordnetenwatch.de) that enable sending messages to representatives. The results show that in both countries the Internet in general has only marginally increased the number of people engaged in contacting. At the same time, contact facilitation platforms as specific online applications have attracted large numbers of people who have never before contacted a representative. While all online means of contacting primarily amplify traditional participatory biases, such as for gender and education, they can at least selectively engage traditionally under-represented parts of the population, for example young people or low-income groups. The processes that shape these patterns are identified by developing a basic theory of contacting and using the similarities and differences between the findings for the two countries. It demonstrates not only that participation continues to be dominated by traditional determinants that cannot be completely overcome by technology, but also that Internet applications can shape participation patterns – if designed to appropriately adapt to the context in which they operate, which is rarely the case. This highlights the need to think carefully about how online platforms can be used, building on the – albeit limited – gains identified here, to strengthen them as a means of ensuring democratic participation.

Este trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso de três entidades do movimento apaeano (movimento das associações de pais e amigos dos excepcionais) do Brasil, a APAE Porto Alegre, a APAE Novo Hamburgo e a Federação das APAEs do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O estudo procurou identificar elementos que compõem e exemplificam a atuação de organizações da sociedade civil brasileira, principalmente sua relação com o Estado, através da experiência destas entidades selecionadas. Desta forma foram analisadas, a participação das entidades em conselhos gestores, a relação de representação estabelecida com seu público-alvo e as configurações apresentadas na sua relação com o poder estatal. Estes aspectos foram sistematizados à luz de referenciais teóricos que tratam da relevância da sociedade civil para o desempenho democrático, buscando, assim, revelar os pontos onde as considerações teóricas e a realidade empírica das instituições pesquisadas se encontram. A partir desta abordagem foram identificados os espaços de atuação política das APAEs e os mecanismos utilizados na formação deste espaço, desde a incorporação de práticas comuns à outras organizações da sociedade civil, como a participação em conselhos e a representação de um público perante o Estado, até os aspectos que revelam uma estrutura de atuação tradicionalmente vinculada à filantropia. / This work presents the case study of three entities belonging to the Brazilian APAE Movement (movement of associations of parents and friends of mentally impaired people): APAE Porto Alegre, APAE Novo Hamburgo and the Federation of APAEs from the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The study tried to identify aspects that compose and exemplify the action of Brazilian civil society organizations, particularly regarding their relations with the state, by means of experience gathered with the aforementioned entities. Thus, the participation of these entities in local administrative councils was analyzed, as well as the relation established with the group of people they represent and configurations displayed in their relation with the state power. These aspects were systematized taking into account theoretical references bearing on the relevance of civil society to democratic practice, therefore trying to reveal points where theoretical considerations and the empirical reality of the researched institutions do meet. Stemming from this approach the space for APAEs political action was identified, as well as the mechanisms used in the constitution of this space: from the incorporation of practices common to other civil society organizations – like council participation and public representation to a state – to aspects that reveal a structure of action traditionally linked to philanthropy.

Orientador: Caroline Kraus Luvizotto / Banca: Danilo Rothberg / Banca: Maria Cristina Castilho Costa / Resumo: A expansão do ambiente on-line possibilitou às assembleias de praça pública alcançar fóruns, sites e outras plataformas digitais de interação. Para o processo deliberativo foi cunhado um novo termo, a deliberação on-line. Esta pesquisa reflete sobre a deliberação on-line e os processos comunicativos e interativos que a envolvem, aplicados à análise do debate poder definir a qualidade de um ambiente deliberativo on-line. O objeto de estudo é o website Vote na Web - criado em 2009 pela empresa Webcitizen - que tem como objetivo aproximar os cidadãos do ambiente deliberativo da Câmara dos Deputados. A análise se constitui da descrição das ferramentas de arquitetura do website, da qualidade do resumo apresentado e do debate em torno do projeto de lei 7633/2014 no vote na Web. As categorias que utilizamos foram: inclusividade, respeito mútuo, tópico, provimento de razão, reciprocidade e reflexividade. O estudo indicou que o Vote na Web, como experiência de uso político da internet, é arena participativa, mas não deliberativa. O potencial de deliberação - que não se efetiva - está justamente em permitir que as pessoas participem em torno de determinado tópico, mas essa participação não leva à deliberação, esses usuários conversam, em sua maioria, sozinhos, ou somente leem os outros comentários e se posicionam, mas sem aprofundar-se na reciprocidade e na reflexividade. O Vote na Web é uma complementação para os temas que estão em discussão na esfera pública / Abstract: The expansion of the online connection had come to the public spaces meeting and took them to online forums, sites and other digital interactive platforms. From deliberation process it was shaped a new concept, online deliberation. This research aims to reflect about online deliberation and the communictive and interactive process that it involves, applying to the analyses of the massages to be able to determinate the quality of an online deliberation space. The object of the study is the website "Vote na Web", which principal proposes is to approximate Brazilian citizens to the deliberation area that is the National Legislative Assembly. The investigation was based in the description of the website's architecture tools, the quality of the abstract and the debate around the law project 7633/2014 presented in the webiste. The categories that we used were: inclusivity, mutual respect, rational provision, topic, reciprocity and reflexibility. This study indicated that the website "Vote na Web" it is a participative arena, but not deliberative. The deliberative potential it is in allowing that people participate around as specific topic, but this participation doesn't achieve deliberation level, most of the users talk alone, without going deep into reciprocity and reciprocity and reflexivity. "Vote na Web" offers a complementation to the topics that are in discussion in the public sphere / Mestre

Orientador: José Antonio Segatto / Coorientadora: Maria Ribeiro do Valle / Banca: Carla Gandini Giani Martelli / Banca: Wagner de Melo Romão / Banca: Angela Maria de Sousa Lima / Banca: Andreia Maria Cavaminami Lugle / Resumo: A pesquisa parte das observações sociológicas das percepções de jovens do ensino médio das escolas da rede estadual pública do município de Londrina, a partir da experiência possibilitada por projetos/programas de ensino/pesquisa/extensão desenvolvidos pelo Departamento de Ciências Sociais da Universidade Estadual de Londrina, dos quais participo como professora pesquisadora desde 2007. Observouse um distanciamento e uma descrença desses jovens de temas relacionados à política, sobretudo desinteresse relativo ao voto. Por isso, recorremos à pesquisa quantitativa e investigamos através da técnica da amostragem probabilística estratificada quais as percepções políticas que este público, na faixa etária de 16 a 17 anos, tem da política institucional e como eles se veem representados nos pleitos eleitorais. Fizeram parte da amostra 2.000 estudantes. Muitas razões, como a depreciação e corrupção na política, delimitadas no trabalho, explicam a escolha pela cidade de Londrina/Paraná como campo empírico da pesquisa. Justifica-se a escolha dos estudantes do ensino médio de escolas públicas, porque ali se encontra o maior número de jovens aptos a tirar o título de eleitor e a votar. A pesquisa versa sobre a caracterização social dos jovens estudantes de Londrina, as percepções sobre sua participação nas eleições e seu interesse nas instituições, os aspectos políticos e culturais na socialização dos jovens estudantes desse município e análise dos jovens e de suas perspectivas sobre a política no Brasil. Os resultados demonstraram que os jovens precisam ser compreendidos nas especificidades e pluralidades no âmbito de um sistema político e cultural brasileiro, paranaense e londrinense, perpassado por fragilidades, incertezas e instabilidades políticas que influenciam na sua maneira de perceber a participação, o voto, as manifestações, os movimentos sociais, os... / Abstract: The research starts off from the sociological observations of Londrina state high school students' perceptions made possible by teaching/research/extension projects/programs developed by the Department of Social Sciences at the State University of Londrina I have participated in as research professor since 2007. A gap and a disbelief of these young subjects had been observed related to politics, especially a disinterest in general suffrage. Therefore, through a quantitative research with stratified probability sampling, we investigated the political perception of students aging 16-17 on institutional policy and how they see themselves represented in the electoral contests. The sample included 2.000 students. Many reasons, such as depreciation and political corruption, explain the choice of the city of Londrina/Paraná as our empirical research field. The choice of high school students from public schools is due to their becoming eligible to vote. The research addresses the social characteristics of young students in Londrina, perceptions on their participation in the elections and their interest in institutions, political and cultural aspects of the socialization of young students in this county and the analysis of young people and their perspectives on policy in Brazil. The results show that young people need to be understood in the specificities and plurality within the Brazilian state and municipal political and cultural system, permeated by political weaknesses, uncertainties and instabilities that influence their way of perceiving participation, voting, demonstrations, social movements, parties, and other elements that make up the political scene. Hence, the importance of listening to and analyzing the views of Londrina's young people in this age group / Doutor

Este trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso de três entidades do movimento apaeano (movimento das associações de pais e amigos dos excepcionais) do Brasil, a APAE Porto Alegre, a APAE Novo Hamburgo e a Federação das APAEs do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O estudo procurou identificar elementos que compõem e exemplificam a atuação de organizações da sociedade civil brasileira, principalmente sua relação com o Estado, através da experiência destas entidades selecionadas. Desta forma foram analisadas, a participação das entidades em conselhos gestores, a relação de representação estabelecida com seu público-alvo e as configurações apresentadas na sua relação com o poder estatal. Estes aspectos foram sistematizados à luz de referenciais teóricos que tratam da relevância da sociedade civil para o desempenho democrático, buscando, assim, revelar os pontos onde as considerações teóricas e a realidade empírica das instituições pesquisadas se encontram. A partir desta abordagem foram identificados os espaços de atuação política das APAEs e os mecanismos utilizados na formação deste espaço, desde a incorporação de práticas comuns à outras organizações da sociedade civil, como a participação em conselhos e a representação de um público perante o Estado, até os aspectos que revelam uma estrutura de atuação tradicionalmente vinculada à filantropia. / This work presents the case study of three entities belonging to the Brazilian APAE Movement (movement of associations of parents and friends of mentally impaired people): APAE Porto Alegre, APAE Novo Hamburgo and the Federation of APAEs from the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The study tried to identify aspects that compose and exemplify the action of Brazilian civil society organizations, particularly regarding their relations with the state, by means of experience gathered with the aforementioned entities. Thus, the participation of these entities in local administrative councils was analyzed, as well as the relation established with the group of people they represent and configurations displayed in their relation with the state power. These aspects were systematized taking into account theoretical references bearing on the relevance of civil society to democratic practice, therefore trying to reveal points where theoretical considerations and the empirical reality of the researched institutions do meet. Stemming from this approach the space for APAEs political action was identified, as well as the mechanisms used in the constitution of this space: from the incorporation of practices common to other civil society organizations – like council participation and public representation to a state – to aspects that reveal a structure of action traditionally linked to philanthropy.

As diversas formas de ação coletiva promovidas pelas mulheres ao longo da história têm sido capazes de oferecer respostas concretas para a superação de sua condição de subordinação dentro da sociedade. Nesse ínterim, o trabalho remunerado e a participação política têm se constituído enquanto processos que contribuem para a construção de sua autonomia econômica, política e social. Este trabalho buscou pesquisar um movimento popular organizado por mulheres que surgiu na década de 1970, na periferia sul da cidade de São Paulo, a União Popular de Mulheres de Campo Limpo e Adjacências (UPM). Por meio de seis entrevistas realizadas com pessoas atuantes no período de fundação da entidade e de pessoas que trabalham nela atualmente foi possível desenhar a trajetória histórica dessa organização, e construir reflexões observando os diferentes papéis dos sujeitos envolvidos, bem como a peculiaridade de cada período histórico. Com a análise da consciência política das atrizes e atores envolvidos na UPM, na perspectiva da Psicologia Política, buscamos nos debruçar sobre as construções e desconstruções desse coletivo acerca do protagonismo feminino e do desenvolvimento de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária, na perspectiva da economia feminista e da economia solidária, e entender os limites e potencialidades das práticas da UPM para a transformação social da realidade em que vivem. / The many varieties of collective action promoted by women in the course of history have been able to provide concrete responses for overcoming their subordinated condition in society. In this process, paid work and political participation are factors that contributed to the consolidation of their economic, political and social autonomy. The present study investigates the União Popular de Mulheres de Campo Limpo e Adjacências UPM (Popular Union of Women of Campo Limpo and Surrounding Neighborhoods), a social movement created by women in the 1970s decade in the poor outskirts of São Paulo, in Brazil. Through the analysis of six interviews with former and present members of the entity, this study traces the historical trajectory of this organization and elaborates reflections about the specific roles of each subject and about the particularity of its different phases. Through the study of UPM members political consciousness under the perspective of Political Psychology, this study aims to investigate their constructions and deconstructions regarding feminine protagonism and the development of a more fair and equalitarian society within the horizons of feminist and solidarity economy and, furthermore, to understand the potentialities and limits of UPMs actions and practices for social change.

In the Chinese authoritarian and conservative political system, Chinese political efficacy and political participation are popular directions of research in recent years. Based on uses and gratifications theory and self-efficacy theory, this thesis explored the relationships among social media use, political efficacy, and political participation. The most important part of this study was examining the mediating role of political efficacy between social media use and political participation in mainland China. Internal political efficacy and external political efficacy are two dimensions of political efficacy that were separately examined in this study. The results revealed that internal political efficacy can mediate between social media use and political participation. However, external political efficacy cannot mediate social media use and political participation. The additional findings are related to gender, age, and educational level. Chinese males scored higher on average in social media use, internal political efficacy, and political participation than females. Chinese females measured a higher on external political efficacy score than males. In addition, Chinese young adults have more social media use related to politics than older adults. On the other hand, Chinese older adults have higher internal political efficacy and external political efficacy than younger adults. Furthermore, higher educational level is a strong predictor of political participation.

M.A. (Public Management and Governance) / This dissertation focused on the variables that influence civil society participation in selected African countries. This dissertation dealt inter alia with the conceptual and contextual variables of civil society participation in general and civil society organisations’ participation in particular. The aim was to determine what should be included in this process to make it efficient within a Third World context or a new developing democracy. A general descriptive, qualitative and interpretive approach was followed in terms of civil participation in Africa. Specific case studies – Burkina-Faso, Tanzania and Zimbabwe – were identified to highlight the observations. The main study objectives entailed a conceptual description and an explanation of the participation related concepts, phenomena, and processes that influence civil society participation in Africa. Notably, this was done by undertaking a detailed literature study. The dissertation also provided a specific level of understanding of the nature of the variables that influence civil society participation in selected African countries. The aim was to gain a better understanding of the nature and problems of participative democratic governance in African states. The study focused on the nature and forms of civil society participation on a local level and communal structures in African countries in general. Specific focus was placed on Burkina-Faso, Tanzania and Zimbabwe. From this perspective this study addressed the question of civil society, forms of political participation, as well as the social processes developing in Africa. The study perceived the notions of ‘civil society’ and ‘political participation’ with an empirical approach and used the term ‘civil society’ in the positive sense. Thus, civil society included the associated movements and the individual entities that participate in exercising social control over the political class, without formally or exclusively belonging to it. It was found that exercising social control in Africa is a cultural phenomenon, which is varied and dynamic with regard to its content and forms. Criticism, allocating prestige or shame, coercion or the use of violence, free expression and explicit manifestations of approval or disapproval are equal modalities in exercising this social control in Africa as a form of political participation. Notably, this corresponds to the ‘national’ and the ‘local’ levels of governance.

No description available.