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Activity versus Achievement: A Closer Look at Young Adult Participation in the Political Process between 1972-2008Liggons, Kwali N 01 January 2016 (has links)
The work of the collective research in this thesis is to provide concise insights about the inputs that are responsible for the process by which young adults develop civic competence and how this translates into active participation among young adults in the political process over time. Research for this thesis explores how key concepts of socialization, task generalization, shifts in young adult voting trends between 1972-2008, the role of social research statistics, and political theory informs the role of socialization in the development of civic competence in young adult voters. This thesis also explores critical social contexts, direct and indirect influence of family units, how critical moments in the academic careers of young adults take effect in college and ultimately young adulthood, what shifts in voting trends further indicate, and lastly the role that social media plays in the modern landscape of young adults becoming politically active and in a larger effort to assess core features of the young adult involvement in the political process following the passage of the 26th Amendment based on scholarly research in the aforementioned areas and relevant national studies.
By all cited statistics, with the exception of the 2008 presidential election, voting among young adults since 1972 has fallen precipitously. Contrary to traditional beliefs, which suggest that young adults are disengaged with the political process, key research findings indicate a shift in the means by which young adults engage in the political process. For example, at an increasing rate since 1972 young adults seek demonstrate their participation in the political process through hands on mechanisms such as volunteerism. Secondly, given the advent of Facebook, MySpace, YouTube and other social networks, young adults have largely transitioned the ways that they gather information about the political process from traditional means, such as newspapers, televised news broadcasts to social networks. Personal suggestions for increasing rates of young adult participation in the political process include a critical need for civic education curriculum in schooling systems that present contextual lessons on civic duty and how individual participation fits in the political process. Ultimately, the aim of this research is twofold: (1) to explain what are the key drivers of young adult participation in the political process, and (2) to shed light on the role young adults have in reshaping the political process for current and future generations.
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The Impact of Social Movements: A study of Brazil's 2013 ProtestsBorelli, Jonathan January 2016 (has links)
In June 2013, Brazil saw a resurgence of its nation wide social movement, the size of which had not been seen for little over 20 years, since the fall of its military dictatorship. The mobilizations began by demanding a R$0.20 decrease in transportation fare costs, but soon its demands evolved into better public policy and anti-corruption measures. This paper explores the degree of success obtained by both branches of the movement, as well as what factors influenced their impact on policy making, therefore answering the question of “How successful were Brazil’s 2013 social movements, and what factors influenced such outcome?”. The study relies heavily on the media’s coverage of the events as its source of data, and uses Political Process Theory, Stages of Policy Responsiveness and Process Tracing to analyse the social movements’ impact on legislation. The results show that both branches achieved success, with transportation costs being reduced and anti-corruption policies being implemented. Such outcome can be attributed to the influence of both social movement internal organizational structures and positive public opinion, while absent of political alliances. The study hopes to entice future research regarding Brazil’s nation-wide rise in social movements, which have sprung as a result of recent corruption scandals discussed in this thesis.
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Experienced Kentucky Female Superintendents' Perceptions of Political LeadershipThomas McNay, Karen 01 January 2016 (has links)
Women historically hit a glass ceiling when trying to reach for a school district’s highest position. While nationally an overwhelming majority of educators are female, approximately only a quarter of all superintendents are women. In Kentucky, 19% of public school superintendents are female. Female superintendent research has focused on the barriers that inhibit women from obtaining the superintendency; however, recently a shift to focus on how women lead has occurred.
The superintendency encompasses five roles: instructional leader, manager, political leader, communicator and applied social scientist. Although female superintendents’ strength is often instructional leadership, the role of political leader is met with some difficulty. This exploratory study examines experienced Kentucky female superintendents’ perceptions and practices of political leadership. The research was conducted in two phases: Phase 1 invited all Kentucky female superintendents to participate in demographic questionnaire, and Phase 2 encompassed two one-hour interviews with six experienced Kentucky superintendents.
Four main areas provide the foundation for inquiry: preservice experiences, defining political leadership, behaviors of political leadership, and levels of political leadership. Kentucky female superintendents stated political leadership was the role they were least prepared for in the infancy of their superintendency. Female superintendents’ lived-experiences differed from the norm of political leadership.
Female district leaders outlined a cyclical, proactive process of political leadership dependent on relationships—networking. Women superintendents capitalized on referent power to develop a “political lens” when making decisions. Study participants reported two distinct levels of political leadership (local and state), and they connected their district’s vision to resources—people—and served as a bridge to connect outside resources into the district. This work affirms previous research concerning female superintendents but also brings to light how women perceive politics, which is outside some of the previous norms and research concerning political leadership.
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The complex internationalization process unfolded : The case of Atlas Copco’s entry into the Chinese mid-marketEriksson, Mikael January 2016 (has links)
Despite its contemporary relevance, we still have limited empirical knowledge about the forces underlying complex internationalization processes as when multinational corporations (MNCs) seek to enter new growing markets. Based on a real-time process study comprising ninety interviews and two hundred hours of observation made between 2009 and 2012, Atlas Copco’s entry into the Chinese mid-market was investigated. The intra-organizational analysis showed that three inter-related processes were underlying Atlas’ market entry and the results suggest that multiple interrelated motors may drive many contemporary internationalization processes. The processes identified are a sequential strategy process, an evolutionary process which shows that routines changed, and a political process. A somewhat surprising finding is that the main driver of internationalization according to received theory, the firm’s accumulated experiences, not only can drive internationalization, but may also hamper MNC managers’ possibilities to enter many of today’s new and growing markets. The findings add to our knowledge of the internationalization process in an increasingly complex international business setting, and especially highlight the need to distinguish between the sequential strategy process – more in line with received theory – and the other processes, in order to get a more full-fledged picture of what internationalization in large MNCs is all about.
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Estratégia e Iobby: uma análise da interação entre grupos econômicos e contribuições de campanha / Strategy and lobby: an analysis of the interaction of economic groups and campaign contributionsChagas, Lucas Squarize 18 December 2014 (has links)
Este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar o impacto das contribuições de campanha sobre o valor dos contratos com o setor público federal obtido pelos doadores. Além disso, busca-se incorporar à discussão de lobby uma contribuição original: analisar a interação entre empresas ao realizar as contribuições de campanha a candidatos a cargos federais. Para tanto, propõe-se a união entre duas literaturas, em princípio, isoladas. Por um lado, a literatura teórica e empírica que analisa os benefícios recebidos por empresas que realizam contribuições de campanha. Por outro lado, uma ampla literatura de econometria espacial que tem se dedicado a explorar como unidades observadas se influenciam. As matrizes de vizinhança espacial, que caracterizam exogenamente a relação entre unidades observadas, são especificadas em nível setorial: duas empresas são consideradas vizinhas se operam no mesmo setor de atividade (principal e/ou secundários). Como variável dependente, utiliza-se o valor dos contratos com o setor público federal após as eleições, para cada empresa, obtido no Portal da Transparência do Governo Federal. As contribuições de campanha para candidatos a cargos federais (para diferentes filiações partidárias e resultado nas eleições) são obtidas, para as eleições de 2006, na base de dados do TSE. Além do valor defasado dos contratos, outras variáveis de controle e códigos dos setores de atividade econômica provêm da RAIS. Utiliza-se um método de matching baseado no propensity score para selecionar a amostra de empresas: para cada empresa doadora, seleciona-se uma não doadora similar em termos de características observáveis. Os resultados do modelo base indicam um impacto total das contribuições de campanha sobre o valor dos contratos bem superior ao que seria estimado por métodos convencionais, devido principalmente à magnitude relativamente maior das contribuições realizadas por empresas vizinhas. A estimação por MQO revela impacto marginal de até 0,03% das contribuições de campanha sobre o valor dos contratos com o setor público federal após as eleições. Por sua vez, o impacto marginal estimado via SDM chega a 0,95%, quando consideradas contribuições a candidatos a cargos federais vitoriosos nas eleições de 2006. Portanto, a interação entre empresas responde pela maior parte dos benefícios provenientes das contribuições de campanha. / The aim of this work is to investigate the impact of campaign contributions on the value of contracts with the federal public sector earned by donors. In addition, we intend to incorporate to the discussion of lobby an original contribution: analyzing the interaction among firms lobbying candidates running for federal office. To this end, we propose the union of two isolated literatures. On one hand, the theoretical and empirical literature that analyze the benefits received by campaign contributor firms. On the other hand, a wide spatial econometrics literature that has explored how units influence each other. Spatial neighborhood matrices which exogenously characterize the relationship among units are specified in sector level: two firms are considered neighbors if operating in the same sector (primary and/or secondary). As the dependent variable, we use the value of contracts with the federal public sector after the elections, for each firm, from the Transparency Portal of the Federal Government. Campaign contributions to candidates running for federal office (for different party affiliations and result in elections) were obtained for the 2006 elections, from TSE database. Besides the lagged value of the contracts, other control variables and codes of sectors come from RAIS. We use a method based on propensity score matching to select the sample of firms: for each donor we select a non-donor based on observable characteristics. The results of the base model indicate the total impact of campaign contributions on the value of the contracts is higher than those estimated by conventional methods especially due to the relatively greater magnitude of the neighbors\' contributions. Estimation by OLS reveals marginal impact of up to 0.03% of campaign contributions on the value of contracts with the federal public sector after the elections. In turn, the estimated marginal impact via SDM reaches 0.95%, when considered contributions to victorious candidates in the 2006 elections Therefore, the interaction among firms accounts for most of the gains from campaign contributions.
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Land use planning policy in the Far North Region of Ontario: Conservation targets, politics of scale, and the role of civil society organizations in Aboriginal–state relationsBurlando, Catie 03 April 2012 (has links)
Aboriginal communities in Canada are increasingly involved in land use planning initiatives to promote community-led economic renewal and advance self-determination. As analyzed by political ecologists elsewhere, international and national civil society organizations are also increasingly important actors in environmental governance in Canada. However, nascent conflicts due to the role of civil society organizations in influencing planning policy development, and its effects on Aboriginal–state relationships, have not yet been explored. Through community-based fieldwork with Pikangikum First Nation, interviews with Provincial Ministries and conservation organizations, and in-depth document analysis, this thesis analyzes the roots of contentious politics for land use planning in the Far North Region of Ontario. Specifically, it analyzes 1) the evolution of land use planning policy development between 1975 and 2010 in the region; 2) the role and strategies of civil society organizations in influencing planning policy development, and 3) the impacts that different planning approaches have for enabling Aboriginal decision-making authority in their territories.
Results show that during four different planning processes held between 1975 and 2010, Aboriginal communities and organizations in the Far North actively resisted state-led land use planning and resource allocation, and developed partnerships with the Ontario Government to enable community-led planning in their traditional territories. Since 2008, Aboriginal organizations have condemned new comprehensive legislation for opening the Far North Region to development and setting a restrictive conservation target, without clarifying substantive issues of jurisdictional authority, sharing of resources, and consultation protocols. These changes were the result of international and national civil society organizations's actions to strategically mobilize public and political support. The planning approaches that emerged from different planning policies were found to directly influence how Aboriginal–state relations are developed; who sits at the decision-making table; how resources are distributed; and how knowledge systems are balanced. Without careful attention to how power is distributed across levels of governance and where accountability lies, multi-level governance—and the bridging role that is promoted for civil society organizations—may lead to patterns of scale dominance, and become a way to justify continued control by the state, corporations, and international civil society organizations on Aboriginal territories.
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Land use planning policy in the Far North Region of Ontario: Conservation targets, politics of scale, and the role of civil society organizations in Aboriginal–state relationsBurlando, Catie 03 April 2012 (has links)
Aboriginal communities in Canada are increasingly involved in land use planning initiatives to promote community-led economic renewal and advance self-determination. As analyzed by political ecologists elsewhere, international and national civil society organizations are also increasingly important actors in environmental governance in Canada. However, nascent conflicts due to the role of civil society organizations in influencing planning policy development, and its effects on Aboriginal–state relationships, have not yet been explored. Through community-based fieldwork with Pikangikum First Nation, interviews with Provincial Ministries and conservation organizations, and in-depth document analysis, this thesis analyzes the roots of contentious politics for land use planning in the Far North Region of Ontario. Specifically, it analyzes 1) the evolution of land use planning policy development between 1975 and 2010 in the region; 2) the role and strategies of civil society organizations in influencing planning policy development, and 3) the impacts that different planning approaches have for enabling Aboriginal decision-making authority in their territories.
Results show that during four different planning processes held between 1975 and 2010, Aboriginal communities and organizations in the Far North actively resisted state-led land use planning and resource allocation, and developed partnerships with the Ontario Government to enable community-led planning in their traditional territories. Since 2008, Aboriginal organizations have condemned new comprehensive legislation for opening the Far North Region to development and setting a restrictive conservation target, without clarifying substantive issues of jurisdictional authority, sharing of resources, and consultation protocols. These changes were the result of international and national civil society organizations's actions to strategically mobilize public and political support. The planning approaches that emerged from different planning policies were found to directly influence how Aboriginal–state relations are developed; who sits at the decision-making table; how resources are distributed; and how knowledge systems are balanced. Without careful attention to how power is distributed across levels of governance and where accountability lies, multi-level governance—and the bridging role that is promoted for civil society organizations—may lead to patterns of scale dominance, and become a way to justify continued control by the state, corporations, and international civil society organizations on Aboriginal territories.
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Estratégia e Iobby: uma análise da interação entre grupos econômicos e contribuições de campanha / Strategy and lobby: an analysis of the interaction of economic groups and campaign contributionsLucas Squarize Chagas 18 December 2014 (has links)
Este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar o impacto das contribuições de campanha sobre o valor dos contratos com o setor público federal obtido pelos doadores. Além disso, busca-se incorporar à discussão de lobby uma contribuição original: analisar a interação entre empresas ao realizar as contribuições de campanha a candidatos a cargos federais. Para tanto, propõe-se a união entre duas literaturas, em princípio, isoladas. Por um lado, a literatura teórica e empírica que analisa os benefícios recebidos por empresas que realizam contribuições de campanha. Por outro lado, uma ampla literatura de econometria espacial que tem se dedicado a explorar como unidades observadas se influenciam. As matrizes de vizinhança espacial, que caracterizam exogenamente a relação entre unidades observadas, são especificadas em nível setorial: duas empresas são consideradas vizinhas se operam no mesmo setor de atividade (principal e/ou secundários). Como variável dependente, utiliza-se o valor dos contratos com o setor público federal após as eleições, para cada empresa, obtido no Portal da Transparência do Governo Federal. As contribuições de campanha para candidatos a cargos federais (para diferentes filiações partidárias e resultado nas eleições) são obtidas, para as eleições de 2006, na base de dados do TSE. Além do valor defasado dos contratos, outras variáveis de controle e códigos dos setores de atividade econômica provêm da RAIS. Utiliza-se um método de matching baseado no propensity score para selecionar a amostra de empresas: para cada empresa doadora, seleciona-se uma não doadora similar em termos de características observáveis. Os resultados do modelo base indicam um impacto total das contribuições de campanha sobre o valor dos contratos bem superior ao que seria estimado por métodos convencionais, devido principalmente à magnitude relativamente maior das contribuições realizadas por empresas vizinhas. A estimação por MQO revela impacto marginal de até 0,03% das contribuições de campanha sobre o valor dos contratos com o setor público federal após as eleições. Por sua vez, o impacto marginal estimado via SDM chega a 0,95%, quando consideradas contribuições a candidatos a cargos federais vitoriosos nas eleições de 2006. Portanto, a interação entre empresas responde pela maior parte dos benefícios provenientes das contribuições de campanha. / The aim of this work is to investigate the impact of campaign contributions on the value of contracts with the federal public sector earned by donors. In addition, we intend to incorporate to the discussion of lobby an original contribution: analyzing the interaction among firms lobbying candidates running for federal office. To this end, we propose the union of two isolated literatures. On one hand, the theoretical and empirical literature that analyze the benefits received by campaign contributor firms. On the other hand, a wide spatial econometrics literature that has explored how units influence each other. Spatial neighborhood matrices which exogenously characterize the relationship among units are specified in sector level: two firms are considered neighbors if operating in the same sector (primary and/or secondary). As the dependent variable, we use the value of contracts with the federal public sector after the elections, for each firm, from the Transparency Portal of the Federal Government. Campaign contributions to candidates running for federal office (for different party affiliations and result in elections) were obtained for the 2006 elections, from TSE database. Besides the lagged value of the contracts, other control variables and codes of sectors come from RAIS. We use a method based on propensity score matching to select the sample of firms: for each donor we select a non-donor based on observable characteristics. The results of the base model indicate the total impact of campaign contributions on the value of the contracts is higher than those estimated by conventional methods especially due to the relatively greater magnitude of the neighbors\' contributions. Estimation by OLS reveals marginal impact of up to 0.03% of campaign contributions on the value of contracts with the federal public sector after the elections. In turn, the estimated marginal impact via SDM reaches 0.95%, when considered contributions to victorious candidates in the 2006 elections Therefore, the interaction among firms accounts for most of the gains from campaign contributions.
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Political process, activism, and healthHaas, Anne E. 07 October 2005 (has links)
No description available.
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SPECIFIC INTERNAL FACTORS OF THE FOREIGN POLICY MAKING IN RUSSIA / SPECIFIC INTERNAL FACTORS OF THE FOREIGN POLICY MAKING IN RUSSIAPuzyrev, Kirill January 2011 (has links)
After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the failure of an ideology of Socialism Russia appeared on a new stage of its development. The political system, its institutions and mechanisms were changed considerably. In this new system appeared new economic, political, social and other factors, conditions and processes which contribute to the formation of the foreign policy of Russia. Thus the research is dealing with such an important component of the foreign policy formation as specific factors and processes occurring within the state. The aim of the paper is to determine the most significant of those factors, find out the reason of their influence and to reveal their weak and strong positions.
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