<p>The religious movement known as the Christian social gospel arose in Canada in the early years of the twentieth century, and stemmed primarily from the Methodist, Presbyterian and ,Anglican churches. Arguing that the word of Christ had to be applied to the economic and political environment, the social gospel strived to inject a secular meaning into christian teachings, and thereby do away with the traditional meaning of religion as strictly an individual, mysterious, and spititual phenonena. Such spokesmen as Salem Bland, William Ivens. William Irvine, and J.S. Woodsworth -- all part of what would later be known as the radical social gospel -- even went so far as to question the basis of the capitalist system, and in the process began their long and fruitful association with the farmers of Western Canada, and later the C. C. F. party.</p> <p>Although the ideals of the social gospel influenced all aspects of reform in Canada, no where did it have a Dare profound effect than in the political protest of the western farmers' movement and the C.C.F. party. The social gospel lent a moral legitimacy to the economic and political demands of these groups and often placed their political protest in the light of a God-given duty, or moral crusade. This made it easier to arouse both the convictions and the passions of the rank and file membership, and in the process often served to deflect charges of being communists and "red agitators". In short, the social gospel stood at the forefront of both these political movements, influencing their ideology, parliamentary performance, and their overall view of both mankind and society.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The central purpose of the thesis is to explain that in Canada military procurement really maketh defence policy. The procurement of the CP-140 Aurora Long Range Patrol Aircraft and the Leopard I Main Battle Tank--employed in the thesis as a case study of two particular procurement decisions--signalled the re-emergence of NATO as Canada's first defence priority.</p> <p>The paper suggests that Pierre Trudeau was committed to a rationalist approach to governmental decision-making in which government goals (policies) would be clearly defined and programs would be created to ensure that policies would be implemented. This led to an examination of the three-way relationship between policy, program, and procurement. The thesis contends that only policy, Defence in the 70s, was designed in a constraint free setting while both program and procurement--the second and third stages of the relationship-were largely determined by the setting within which Canadian defence policymakers must operate. The Canadian setting includes: the omnipresent position of the United States vis-a-vis Canada; alliance commitments (particularly NATO) and; economic constraints.</p> <p>The case study shows that these three factors which are beyond specific Canadian military requirements determined the procurement choices of the Trudeau government. As a result it is maintained that the procurement of the Aurora and Leopard had the effect of ultimately changing the face of Canadian defence policy. This, it is concluded in the thesis, is not a situation particular to the" Trudeau government but a situation which would happen to any Canadian government.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>By actively seeking to act as a peacekeeper, mediator, or any other function necessary to either preserve peace or remove contentious problems between states, Canadian governments in the years since World War II have created the perception that Canada is a helpful fixer in international affairs. Used here as a codeword to describe a state that is actively prepared to find a means of containing or solving international crises, the term helpful fixer best describes the international policies of successive Canadian governments. The crucial role performed by Lester Pearson in ending the Suez Crisis in 1956, following upon numerous other helpful fixer roles, was very important in firmly establishing the perception amongst both Canadian and foreign observers, that the Canadian government actively sought ways of reducing international tensions. The image thus created has served to influence the value judgements of succeeding Canadian governments.</p> <p>The government of P.E. Trudeau has been unwilling to abandon the helpful fixer traditions established by its predecessors. In Foreign Policy for Canadians the Trudeau government attempted to warn Canadians that there would probably be few opportunities for peacekeeping in the 1970's, and that Canadians might not always be acceptable in such roles. However, as the 1970's unfolded it became obvious that the Canadian government not only supported the principle of peacekeeping, but was also concerned about protecting its image as an international helpful fixer. Indeed the positions adopted by the Trudeau government towards peacekeeping operations in Cyprus, Vietnam, the Middle East, and southern Africa support this contention. The image created by Pearson has persisted, and appears to have shaped the Canadian government's value judgement in the 1970's.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis examines the growing aggressiveness of the provincial governments in developing their own constitutional proposals by analyzing the interconnection between the economies of the provinces and the provincial government's subsequent proposals. The development of advanced monopoly capitalism has required government intervention into more areas of social and economic planning and this growth of government intervention has occurred in large part at the provincial government level, causing provincial bureaucracies to grow in size and expertise and to more readily challenge federal government policies and initiatives. As well, the regional segmentation of the Canadian economy has caused fractions of the bourgeoisie within each of the provinces to turn to the provincial governments to aid them in capitalist development. This in turn has led provincial governments to seek more power in aiding their particular segment of the economy by asking for revisions in the constitution. This thesis attempts to draw conclusions about this general trend in Canada today by examining two specific case studies, Ontario and British Columbia. These case studies indicate why provincial governments have become so interested in constitutional review and why provincial governments have developed distinct constitutional proposals.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The thesis attempts to construct a theory on how attitudes are developed through the political socialization process. The forces of the paper will be on the principal agents of socialization (family, school, peer groups, and social milieu) and their impact on political attitude acquisition. The central hypothesis of this paper is that the family does not play the most influential role in the political socialization paper. The thesis will attempt to present an over-all picture of the process of political socialization and analyze the role each agent plays in the creation of political man.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The initial objective of this thesis was to provide an understanding of tile Quebec question. It begins by postulating that it is primarily a national question in that it involves the historical struggle of Quebecers towards achieving their own independent nation-state. It goes on to analyze the various social, political, economic, cultural and ideological forces which affect the Quebec case, from the perspective of class analysis.</p> <p>The second major objective of the thesis was to provide an understanding of the nature of the Parti Québécois, and its role in the present conjuncture of relations in Quebec. On a theoretical level we addressed the "new petite bourgeoisie problematic" in neo-Marxist literature, asking: "What is the nature of the new petite bourgeoisie in contemporary capitalist society, and specifically in Quebec?"</p> <p>We argued that the P.Q. is a party of the new petite bourgeoisie in Quebec and its program -- sovereignty-association-is primarily designed to satisfy the interests of this class, and not the interests of the Quebec collectivity. The implication is that the significance of its programme can only be conjunctural. Sovereignty-association, if successfully achieved, would bring about an ephemeral, symbolic independence for the Quebec nation; at best an incomplete solution to the Quebec national question.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This study has been divided into two levels of analysis. The first and most important level is concerned with examining the evolution of the Canada Development Corporation, hereafter referred to as the CDC. The emphasis of the thesis is on the factors which shaped the Corporation's form and functions. These include national and international economic variables, the personalities and political orientations of decision-makers, specific political circumstances and the decision-making process itself.</p> <p>The most significant contribution that this thesis makes to knowledge is that it has developed an elite model for explaining the evolution of the CDC. It is argued that Canada's indigenous economic elite had the greatest input into the policy process which created the CDC. This is considered to be the most important factor which shaped the CDC's evolution. As a result of this elite's influence, the federal government structured the CDC so that its primary functions were buttress and promote elitism and capitalism in Canada.</p> <p>The second level of analysis is of a macroscopic nature. Here the focus has been on four questions. What does the CDC as a case study say about the role the state has played in the development of the Canadian economy since 1960? is the CDC a defensive of offensive policy response to the problems of foreign investment, capital formation and economic growth in Canada? What have been the implications of using an elite model to analyze the Corporation and its evolution? And finally, what does the CDC's evolution say about the study of public policy?</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Within the confines of this thesis a theory of capitalism and the state apparatus is related to the class struggle by an analysis and scientific investigation of work stoppages. The intensity as well as the geographic, industrial, and historical context of strikes is examined in the bi-national political economy of Canada. The overall patterns of strikes, the economic and political settings in which they are generated and resolved, are examined, as are the effects of strikes on society in Canada.</p> <p>In all this thesis is the presentation of a theory of the bi-national political economy of Canada. It is a theory of capital accumulation as class struggle.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>In this thesis, the interaction between different participants is examined to determine how a particular political event was shaped . Canadian Japanese were discriminated against in an extremely severe fashion. In this thesis, the role of three major relationships is examined to determine the effect that they had on shaping end maintaining racial tensions. The three relationships are as follows; the relationship between the Japanese and their white competitors , the relationship between Canada and Japan, and the relationship between British Columbia and the rest of Canada. Using the work of Murray Edelman and Joseph Gusfield as a theoretical framework these three relationships are examined to see how they came to have effects far beyond their instrumental value.</p> <p>Concern about the success of Japanese competition, fear of Japan's growing military power and anger a bout Canada's lack of concern about British Columbia's problems led to racial attacks and the eventual internment of the Japanese Canadian population.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis examines the relationship between early Canadian socialist parties and the genesis of the Communist Party of Canada. It presents the argument that the Communist Party of Canada was formed by and therefore was the unity of the socialists of three socialist parties the Socialist Party of Canada, the Social Democratic Party of Canada and the Socialist Party of North America. The histories of these parties will be discussed, along with the One Big Union and various labour parties, to see how their ideologies and praxis were unable to mobilize workers and how this led to the acceptance of Bolshevism by Canadian socialists and workers.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)