This study aims to understand why the Scottish National Party (SNP) accelerated to prominence after the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999. Specifically, this study seeks to answer the following question: To what extent does the European Union (EU) influence the Scottish independence movement and does this trend support the theory of New Medievalism? Data drawn from interviews with members of the 4th Scottish Parliament, comments made by former First Minister Alex Salmond, and scientific polling tend to show that the EU’s increasing institutional powers have facilitated the modern Scottish independence movement’s growth by mitigating the Scottish people’s fears of independence from the UK. However the data also demonstrates that the SNP’s election victory in 2011 was not just an indication of Scottish nationalism, but was a result of the SNP’s competence in government. This investigation concludes that as the EU centralizes power in supranational bodies the process of New Medievalism is working its course by dissolving Westphalian nation states. This process is revealed in the rise of the modern Scottish nationalist movement as well as other subnational independence movements in EU member states. The culmination of this movement was the rise of the SNP and the 2014 Scottish independence referendum.

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This thesis deals with the role of patents in the transfer of technology and industrialization of developing countries, with a special focus on the role of pharmaceutical patents and the development of the pharmaceutical industry. In particular, this thesis examines the working of patents and the compulsory licensing system in the case of non-working as well as the compulsory licensing system for pharmaceuticals from the perspective of the Paris Convention and the national patent laws. The following problems are addressed: (1) Whether and under what conditions patents facilitate or hinder access to technology and how they can be made to facilitate access of technology to developing countries in particular in the pharmaceutical sector. (2) Whether the obligation to work the patent and the sanctions that are provided when the patent is not being worked, i.e., compulsory licence and revocation, are adequate and effective in promoting the interests of developing countries for industrialization and (3) Whether compulsory licences can be applied in the interest of public health under different circumstances and if they would help the development of the pharmaceutical industry and the transfer of pharmaceutical technology. These problems will be viewed from the perspective of the international system of patent protection as it is embodied in Article 5A of the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property and as it interacts with the various national patent laws of member countries.

This thesis provides a genealogy of security. The first two chapters situate it in relation to the discipline of International Relations and present the approach to develop the genealogy. It is argued that what has enabled the lack of problematization of the concept of security within the discipline is precisely the security project of the discipline itself: the securing of an ontological ground through the deployment of epistemological precepts that pervade the way the discipline is predominantly understood and its evolution is retroactively (re)written. I argue that the discipline itself is enabled by, and is a manifestation of, "sovereign thought"---i.e. a form of knowledge inextricably related to the articulation of the sovereign State as the predominant form of social order in modernity. What is revealed is how the structure of sovereign thought occults its generative principles and enables a framing of issues and problems via objective knowledge while simultaneously masking its role as a frame. It is this deployment of knowledge that enables the naturalization of "security." These first two chapters provide the groundwork and the rationale for the genealogical investigation found in the second part of the thesis. The three following chapters apply this approach to the relationship between the meaning(s) to security and the production of social order. This genealogy is developed by tracing the intimate complicity between the meaning to security and the articulation of social order via alterity. These chapters are constructed around three interregna : the shift from Roman Republic to Empire and the advent of Christianity; the shift from Christendom to sovereign State in the classical age; and the advent of the modern sovereign State and the present mutations of sovereign order. Through this genealogy it is argued that our present articulation of "security" serves as a mechanism of depoliticization in the service of sovereign order increasingly deployed throughout the social above and below statal space. Finally, I argue that it is within the context of modernity and its intimate relation with the advent of democracy that a new horizon of possibility to articulate a counter-discourse to security is opened up.

Cette recherche aborde la problématique du discours sur la mondialisation par rapport à la démocratie. Nous cherchons à savoir quelle est la nature de ce discours? (e.g., idéologique, philosophique, scientifique). Le discours sur la mondialisation est divisé entre deux camps: les pro-mondialisateurs et les anti-mondialisateurs. Les deux discours prétendent qu'ils favorisent la démocratie, or cette dernière ne peut soutenir deux discours opposés. Nous faisons une analyse de deux textes, chacun représentatif d'un camp, pour résoudre le paradoxe et pour identifier la nature et le contenu des deux discours en opposition.

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Trade relations between the People's Republic of China ("PRC") and the Republic of China ("ROC") on Taiwan are complex because of their incompatible trade regimes, diverse political perspectives, different stages of economic development, and contrasting ideologies for legal arrangements. The central theme of this study is to propose solutions to regulate such complex trade relations. It also provides an analysis with respect to the substantive and procedural arrangements of a trade agreement between the PRC and the ROC. The study is divided into six chapters. Chapter one presents a factual background of PRC-ROC political and economic relations. Chapter two examines the main inconsistencies of PRC-ROC trade and economic regimes, which include problems such as the conflicting perspectives between trade liberalization and political control, the incompatibilities between centrally-planned and market economies, and the functions and limitations of legal arrangements for trade between both governments. Chapters three and four deal with the issues of trade restrictions for national security and foreign policy purposes as well as the prevention of market disruption. Chapter five discusses the impacts and applications of multilateral, regional and bilateral mechanisms for arranging PRC-ROC trade relations. Chapter six focuses on the procedural arrangements for concluding multilateral and bilateral trade agreements between the PRC and the ROC. This study concludes that a liberal perspective is an essential approach to maximize the economic benefits of PRC-ROC trade. Such an approach, however, may face difficulties such as governmental interventions which are sometimes inevitable for national security and foreign policy concerns. This study further indicates that political controls on trade activities between both governments should have limitations in order not to impair their own interests. On a long-term basis, PRC-ROC trade relations need to be liberalized and legalized. This study shows that the GATT system is the most appropriate mechanism in achieving the above purpose. Another option, which is available in case the GATT system breaks down, is the setting up of a regional or bilateral program to promote the regional or bilateral trade interests of the PRC and the ROC. It is hopeful that this study may serve two purposes. On a concrete level, it could provide a case study on the regulatory policies of PRC-ROC trade relations and propose alternative structures for future development. On a more general level, it could contribute to a better understanding of the nature and scale of the problems involved in the effort of linking two different types of economies, compounded by many aspects of conflicting political, economic, and legal characteristics.

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