The research of this paper focuses on Ireland's economic development in the 1990s. The central question of this paper is to demonstrate how the Irish government developed an industrial strategy that would create and attract a large amount of Foreign Direct Investment. (FDI), Two critical concepts serve as analytical focal points. Firstly I look at economic globalization and the debate surrounding the sovereignty of the nation-state. I set up as the null hypothesis the liberalist assumption that the nation-state is in demise, and have to surrender its power to global market forces. The alternative hypothesis. the mercantilist perspective. argues that the state is not in demise and is still the primary actor in the international system. In this regard, I look at Irish government policy and the degree of influence in economic development from 1987-2000. The second concept focuses around industrial policy. This includes the participation of state institutions in industrial strategy. such as the Industrial Development Authority. I also focus on the model that the Irish government followed in order to pursue FDI. The 'Closed Loop' model consists of three stages: firstly. to select industry areas offering the best economic returns; second, to find the best companies in those industry areas: and third. to persuade their target companies to invest in Ireland. Industrial policy includes the range of incentives and policy decisions the government undertook in order to attract Multinationals to Ireland. This includes policy decisions on areas such as education, tax, infrastructure. wages and spending of structural funds. Through a literature review of the two concepts regarding Ireland's growth. I conclude that the Irish government has been deeply involved in the entire process of integration. This paper supports the mercantilist hypothesis that the state still remains the primary actor in the international economy. It also supports the view that the state can manipulate and exploit globalization in order to maximize its own interests. Irish economic development in the 1990s is a prime example of this.

Elected multi-party assemblies have existed in Africa on average for no more than two decades. Consolidating democracy and improving the lives of ordinary citizens demands guardian parliaments. Parliaments are comprised predominantly of politicians and, interconnected with citizens and executives, are perceived as core institutions of representative democracies. This dissertation seeks to contribute to a better understanding of African multiparty parliaments and their role in consolidating democracy. The study seeks to comprehend the links between citizens and their elected parliaments in 18 African countries, in the process attempting to predict the prospects of these new democracies. It also focuses on the Assembly of Mozambique to attempt an understanding of the evolution, capacity and functioning of an emerging parliament. The study investigates the perceptions of Mozambican civil leaders toward their parliament, and it looks at the perceptions of Mozambican parliamentarians concerning their roles and their relations with the electorate, and concerning the Assembly’s capacity and powers. This is critical to understanding how democracy has been and will be exercised, since parliamentarians are at the forefront of the process. Each parliament has distinctive characteristics. However, there are common features based on their age and origin. The development of the Mozambican Assembly since the monoparty regime illustrates the challenges and achievements that African parliaments have undergone in the transition to democracy. The findings reveal that African citizens distinguish between presidents and parliaments, which is important given the legacy in Africa of strong executives led by dominant presidents. They also reveal that citizens value the gains made by the multiparty regimes and that parliaments as lawmakers are preferred to presidents. In most countries surveyed, citizens, on average, gave positive evaluations of their parliaments, especially concerning their trustworthiness. Political characteristics outweigh socio-economic status in influencing how citizens perceived parliaments. Party allegiance and perception of electoral fairness are the factors that most influenced how citizens perceived their parliaments. Interviews with Mozambican MPs revealed their frustration over the influence of the Assembly over the national budget. In the MPs’ opinions, direct foreign aid to the budget reduced parliament’s role to that of a rubber stamp, weakening the role of MPs. Mozambican civic leaders saw parliament as an indispensable and critical institution, and they expressed frustration with the extreme party-centricity of MPs, which is perceived as normal by MPs. Distrust between these groups reinforces the sentiment among ruling party members that the party deserves protection. In democracies, MPs from different parties are political opponents and not enemies. In Mozambique, the transition from enemy to adversary is not yet complete. While fragile, parliament has been the only space in Mozambican society where political parties can interact.

Water policy under the 1956 Water Act actively discouraged participation and water was managed centrally. The principles enshrined in the National Water Act (no 36 of 1998), designed in line with international sustainable development goals that actively encourage participation of a wide range of stakeholders operating closest to the resources that are being used, require a shift from governing through direct controls to governance where the state interacts with a wide range of interest groups. Although policy seemingly embraces a new water management paradigm, the old is being resurrected with all the contradictions and contortions that precipitated the shift in focus from the old to the new in the first place. There is on the one hand an undeveloped notion of what participation should entail, but there is also a culture in the domain of water that negotiates meanings around technical rather than social discourses. It is the absence of knowledge, the unequal power relationship between water users and the inhibition of agency that makes participation so difficult and keeps those who have knowledge, in - and those who do not have knowledge, out, with the unintended consequence of strengthening bonds between those who have had, in the past, privileged access to water. Those who suffer water deprivation have not been able to use their franchise to improve their access to water and their access to decision-making bodies in the water sector. Repeated failures to achieve reform are costly in terms of finance, and they are costly because they affect the production of trust and make it difficult to retain the 'spirit of the law.' The changing role of the state and the influence that state policy and intervention has in developing or hindering the production of trust and the perpetuation or production of shame is pivotal. Trust is a valuable but volatile resource and the broader set of analytic tools have provided a scafIold using the following set of analytic themes: style of government, way in which bureaucrats accept or resist change, ability of non-state and state actors to develop synergistic relationships, equalising of power, meaningful transfer of knowledge and creation of an agency-enhancing and agency-enabling environment. Trust is a product of a set of 'ideal' conditions, public officials being trustworthy, trading credit slips between water users, having a sense of agency and being able to trust. The ideals of trust present trust as a product of democratic processes and in these ideal conditions trust, as an experience, is reproduced and smoothes relationships. The study expands on the theme of trust by introducing the idea of shame as an inhibitor of trust and examines conditions that activate shame based feelings.

This thesis adopts a two thronged approach to explore the two components of the common wisdom in Botswana. Firstly, it tests the claim by the common wisdom that Botswana is inherently homogeneous. That 90% of the population either speaks Setswana or belongs to Setswana speaking tribes. Secondly, it tests the fact that this perceived homogeneity connect to the countryâs democratic, economic and political success. The study uses existing Afrobarometer survey data drawn from Rounds 1 (1999), 2 (2003) and 3 (2005) Afrobarometer survey data to test both claims about Botswanaâs homogeneity thesis. The findings of this study reveal that the first part of the common wisdom is confirmed especially when using language âspoken most at home.âHowever, it is disconfirmed when using âhome language.â It is also shown that when using tribe (a putatively objective) and social identity (a more subjective) dimension of ethnicity, the level of ethnic diversity in Botswana is much higher than the common wisdom suggests. This is more apparent when language and tribe are broken down according to district and rural-urban location. It seems that minority groups are distributed across and also concentrated in certain parts of the country. With regard to the second part of the common wisdom, the results point out that difference in language, tribe and social identity exist. However, these are not politicized and not aligned with key political factors of national identity, interpersonal trust, political participation, voting and government legitimacy. There are no important politically relevant cleavages structures in Botswana. This study concludes by proposing that, it may be this lack of politicization of identity, rather than the putative homogeneity of the country, that accounts for Botswanaâs record of development and democracy.

No description available.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references (272-302). / In this study the sources of partisan identification in Mozambique are examined. It examines whether reported identification with the governing or opposition parties is related to the kinds of factors usually identified in the comparative literature on partisan identification and voting behaviour. These factors include social cleavages (such as ethnicity or region), cultural values (such as individualism versus collectivism, democratic versus authoritarian values), economic factors (including ‘pocketbook’ assessments and sociotropic assessments, retrospective and prospective evaluations), political factors (including assessments of the performance of the government) and cognitive awareness (including access to media or political discussions with friends). Bivariate and multivariate analyses were used to assess the significance of these various factors in partisan identification. The results of the study revealed that partisan support for the ruling party in Mozambique is driven by popular evaluations of the performance of the incumbent; secondly, partisan support for opposition parties is difficult to predict.

Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 209.245). / In the aftermath of university democratisation, only one critical change in university governance has sparked nearly as much academic interest and debate: the rise of managerialism. The participation of students in university governance was the key issue in debates on university democratisation; however, in the recent debates about managerialism in universities, there is little mention of the new place of students in university governance. This dissertation revisits the general topic of student participation in university governance. It sets out to provide a theoretical and empirical perspective on the interaction between university democratisation and the rise of managerialism in terms of their respective impacts on student participation in university governance. It does so in a number of ways: (i) based on a literature review of international debates and trends; (ii) by developing a theoretical framework for a governance approach applied to higher education, and; (iii) through an extended case study of student politics and transitions of university governance. In the theoretical investigation, I adapt Goran Hyden's theoretical conceptualisation of 'governance' for a study of student participation in university governance. Key to the adaptation is a typology of four ideal-type regimes of student governance focused on respectively different conceptions of 'student' involved in different justifications of the inclusion (and exclusion) of students in formal decision-making in universities. This typology and related conceptualisations of regime transitions is nested within distinct 'visions' of the university and embedded in Hyden's general governance approach.

Bibliography: leaves 293-303. / The researcher has attempted to analyse the impact of transformation on the role of the most senior public servant in South Africa, the Director General. This required an analysis of the Director General's administrative and policy roles within the political-administrative interface. The aims of the research were firstly to provide a description of the role of the Director General in the South African public service and thereby provide an insight into the office of the Director General. Secondly, the aim was to evaluate the South African public service transformation process as well as changes which have taken place at Director General level. A third aim was to provide a normative framework of the political and administrative interface in the South African context, and finally to contribute to the analysis of public service senior management. Thus, three research questions were posed: I. What role did the Director General play in the pre-and post-1994 South African public service? 2. What is the administrative and political interface in South Africa? 3. What ought to be the administrative and political interface in South Africa? In order to answer these questions, literature was reviewed and interviews were conducted with Directors General who served at a national level during the pre-and post-1994 eras. An open and closed questionnaire was developed by the researcher in order to gather data, and the research is therefore original work. The research incorporated scientific principles of social science and is a qualitative study. The research findings can be summarised as follows. Directors General, both pre-and post-1994, have two basic roles, one of which is an administrative role, the other, a policy role. The administrative role of the Director General has not fundamentally changed over the past fifteen years. Directors General continue to be responsible for human and financial resources within their administrative capacity. Problems and issues identified in Director Generals' administrative capacity persist and need to be addressed by improving management capacity. The Director General's policy role appears to be changing. A trend has been identified which indicates that Directors General are playing less of a policy role and more of an administrative role. It appears that the political leadership is usurping the Director General's policy role. Although a political-administrative dichotomy has never existed in South Africa, the role of the Director General is becoming more politicised with the introduction of presidential appointments. The research concludes with recommendations for improving management capacity, and developing a more sustainable political-administrative interface. It is hoped that this research will assist the South African government in its efforts to improve the management capacity in the public service in order for it to deliver quality services to all South Africans in an increasingly complex global environment.

The candidate has two major linked interests. One is to reconcile competing explanations of ethnicity, and the other is to explore the factors underlying ethnicity in the light of a case study of the rise and decline of ethnic mobilisation among white Afrikaners in South Africa. For many observers the recent apparent "decomposition" of Afrikaner nationalist mobilisation has been surprising, and the factors associated with this trend were expected to contain insights relevant to the theoretical debate. The first part of the thesis is a review of key aspects of literature which offers alternative explanations of ethnic attachments and mobilisation. It commences with a theme-setting example of a reconciliation of alternative viewpoints. At the end of the literature review a series of propositions is offered, suggesting the utility of an integration of alternative perspectives. The case study of Afrikaner ethnic mobilisation commences with a historical overview of the emergence of Afrikaner ethnic nationalism, from the early colonial settlement up to the present. Thereafter a wide range of empirical, survey-based evidence is presented, including exploratory factor analyses, covering patterns in the cultural, racial, socio-economic and political attitudes of Afrikaners, comparing their responses with those of other South Africans. An account of recent political change and the responses of Afrikaners to the events is given. In the final chapter conclusions drawn from the evidence are presented as further propositions in a broader theoretical context. The fragmentation of Afrikaner ethnic nationalism is found to be associated with the bureaucratization of ethnicity during the period of apartheid rule, ambivalence on group boundaries, the usurpation of cultural identity by race, and a breakdown of internal coordination processes which ethnic mobilisation appears to require. At the same time a core of ethnic commitment, substantially independent of its material and political utility, is found to persist, surrounded by a wider compound of racial, cultural and political consciousness. Alternative scenarios of probable future developments are tentatively offered. The analysis appears to support the initial argument that ethnic mobilisation involves full combinations of the processes which competing theories usually pit against one another. The process of ethnic mobilisation involves a variable incorporation of elements of class, group status and honour and political activation, in which identity commitment, co-ordinating agencies and ethnic boundary-construction interact as defining and integrating elements.