Bibliography: pages 168-181. / Political risk analysis is the study of economic and social discontinuities and changes which result in speculative constraints and opportunities for transnational business. This paper explores the problem of establishing definitional congruity at conceptual and operational levels of analysis and recommends the adoption of firm-centric approaches to assessing risk originating in the political environment. Conclusions are arrived at by means of partial induction, based on a rigorous comparative examination of a comprehensive body of literature. The first section delineates various fiduciary frameworks, historical and definitional issues, covering the foundational concepts of certainty, uncertainty, chance and risk. Current definitions of political risk are compended, and a new definition is suggested, compatible with the day-to-day operations of globalised firms. Models and methods for the measurement and identification of political risk are reviewed in the second part of the paper. Conceptual and operational incongruencies are investigated from a perspective which aims at establishing the need for a firm-specific conceptual schematicisation of political risk. Approaches based on aggregation by macro or micro distinction are rejected in favour of the proposed conceptual model. Finally, the remaining part of the paper considers current and past models which place the firm at the centre of the analytical procedure. An abstract model of the firm is described for the purpose of including constraints on business interests, norms, rules, practices and procedures, profitability and other goals. Some empirical data is discussed with a view to confirming the necessity for adopting firm-centric approaches. The conclusion recommends further research in the form of empirical case studies which consider risk in relation to the individual firm.

Bibliography: p. 122-136. / John Rawls' principal aim in A Theory of Justice is to explicate a moral theory, justice as fairness, based on an interpretation of the social contract, which offers a substantial alternative to utilitarian thought in general. Rawls concentrates on justice because, in his opinion, it is the most important virtue of the arrangement of the basic structure of society. Two main principles, namely, (1) the principle of liberty and (2) the principle of fair equality of opportunity and the difference principle, are the prime constituents of Rawls' special or ideal conception of justice. I intend to discuss the content and the ordering of the main principles from the perspective of those formulating them. There are five parts to my analysis. In Chapter One the main themes and the overall plan of A Theory of Justice are described. Chapter Two is devoted to a discussion of the original position which is the starting point of Rawls' theory. The principle of liberty, and its priority, are the subject of Chapter Three. Chapter Four focuses on both the principle of fair equality of opportunity and the difference principle, the relation between these principles, and the relation between each part of the second principle and the principle of liberty. Finally, in Chapter Five, the conclusions of the previous chapters will enable me to comment on the suitability of these principles as the standard of a just society.

Includes bibliographies.

Bibliography: leaves 369-384.

Bibliography: leaves 141-145.

This dissertation provides an analysis of the 1999 election campaign and considers how each of the main parties appealed to the politically salient groups in South Africa. The case is put forward that the electoral system--closed-list proportional representation-rewards parties that appeal to a particular race group (or groups) at the expense of others. Parties that adopt a conciliatory tone and attempt a 'catch-all' strategy are punished at the polls. The persistence of this phenomenon means that politics in South Africa is likely to remain racialised, as political entrepreneurs maximise votes by making narrow sectional appeals.

Includes abstract / Includes bibliographical references. / This dissertation explores the important contributions that unofficial negotiation processes can and do make to conflict resolution and political transitions. The theories regarding unofficial negotiations are explored in the context of a South African case study and will look at the ways in which the efforts made by members of the private sector during the last five years of apartheid, from September 1985 to February 1990, contributed to the start of official negotiations and a peace agreement, ending decades of racial prejudice and violence. What is so interesting about the South African case study is not only the success of the unofficial negotiation processes, but the specific roles played by members of big business, both as participants and as third-party mediators.

Bibliography: leaves 55-56. / In 1994, South Africa held national elections that, for the first time, were open to voters of all races. Prior to this event, however, most political analysts would have considered the possibility of a peaceful transition unlikely. This is because most contemporary transition theory advocates strategies of compromise and elite pact-making. In apartheid South Africa, the prospects for such a resolution appeared poor. But what if compromise is not always the best path to democracy? Gretchen Casper and Michelle M. Taylor (1996) offer one theoretical approach that concludes just that. By focussing its attention on the process of transition and the interaction between the various actors involved, Casper and Taylor find that highly charged negotiations more often result in effective, consolidated democracy. Consequently, this paper examines, applies, and critiques their approach through the South African case. What we find is that their model appears theoretically sound, and can be successfully applied to the South African case, but fails to capture the complexities of the post-transition experience in South Africa. But, in many ways, the South African case is an unusual one, and is not easily explained by any contemporary theory. As such, this failure is not completely due to weaknesses in the model. Consequently, we conclude that there are clearly benefits to utilizing their approach, and the conclusions drawn from their model may yet yield some important theory, but the model cannot be considered complete, despite their unique focus.

Includes bibliographical references. / Namibia's founding election did not bring SWAPO a two-thirds majority. Opposition parties' combined votes totalled a third of the poll, giving a strong minority of National Assembly seats to a number of opposition parties. Namibia seemed a ready example of a successful negotiated transition to multi-party democracy. However, in the first five years since independence the opposition parties have fallen behind as SW APO has continued to consolidate its electoral and legislative power. In the first five years since independence the opposition parties have had little effect on government policy-making and have declined significantly in electoral strength - in the second National Assembly election in December 1994 the opposition parties combined decreased from 31 to 19 seats. SW APO, therefore, gained a resounding two-thirds majority, raising concern that Namibia is largely a de facto one-party state. This paper explores reasons for the lack of opposition party influence in the First Parliament and for the electoral decline experienced by the opposition. It is based on interviews with several opposition party leaders as well as other individuals with Namibian expertise. Conclusions are also drawn from primary research on the Hansard debates of the Namibian National Assembly, the Constitution and the Standing Rules and Orders of the National Assembly. Institutional structures within the existing Namibian political system are one reason for the decline of-opposition politics in the country: they limit opposition parties' ability to develop both a wider support base and, concurrently, to influence legislation. Equally important in stifling the growth of the opposition parties are organisation and other internal weaknesses on the part of the parties themselves. Socio-cultural realities in Namibia likewise affect the growth of opposition parties.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / In October 2011, the war in Afghanistan reached its ignominious ten year anniversary. As the conflict rolls on relentlessly, observers from across all disciplines, and indeed the general public themselves, have attempted to identify why the intervention, which began as Operation Enduring Freedom, has instead become an ‘Enduring Nightmare’. This dissertation attempts to provide empirical reasoning to this question by means of a literature review of the established strategic critiques of the intervention between the years of October 2001 and October 2008.