Bibliography: leaves 103-112. / There have been many perspectives and arguments put forward to describe the current state of post-apartheid South Africa's political economy. These have generally tended to depend on which side of the ideological spectrum one resides. Due to the chronic levels of poverty and inequality that South Africa faces, debates on economic policy have become fundamental to the new regime. Many have become perplexed and frustrated by the ruling party's approach to this debate. This is as the broad democratic movement was always thought to favour social policies when presented with political economic thesis. Whilst others believe that government has played too great a role post-1994 and should take more of a back-seat in favour of the market. The result has been a debate which has moved beyond the ideological stand-offs of the past, to a new arena of contradictions and practical analysis. What is clear is that the ANC has fundamentally shifted its economic philosophy since the context of liberation and struggle. This research seeks to make sense of this evolution and to present a theme of pragmatism and convergence.

Includes bibliography.

Bibliography: leaves 135-138. / The degree of centralisation and monopolisation of power by the African National Congress (ANC) is raising concerns about the long-term prospects for democracy in South Africa. Conventional party politics cannot at present provide the mechanism to check tendencies towards authoritarian domination: loyalty to the ruling party, lack of credible opposition parties and the electoral system itself are all factors contributing to the entrenchment of the status quo.

Includes bibliographical references. / Sexual violence and conflict go hand in hand. In ancient warfare, sexual violence was a common procedure, perceived as an inevitable consequence of war. Soldiers needed to 'release' after heavy fighting; sexual distraction would reward, motivate and relax them. In other words, sexual violence was seen as 'collateral damage' and was therefore never prosecuted as a crime. This practice started to change after the Second World War. In fact, at the moment the existence of sexual violence was internationally acknowledged, women's rights gained recognition and several forms of sexual violence were classified. Finally, sexual violence was labeled as a 'weapon of war'.

Among the most distinctive features of Southern African politics is the region’s preponderance of one-party dominant systems. Considerable effort has been made to explain the unusual phenomenon with some analysts emphasizing the potential of such imbalances of power to undermine the effectiveness of a democracy’s institutions. However, political science has only just begun to study the repercussions the status quo may have for political culture in the region. Using survey data collected across the continent, this paper shifts the focus to this unexplored link between dominance and culture, aiming to shed some light on the relationship by studying the effect dominant party systems have on three specific political attitudes in Africa: demand for democracy, evaluation of the supply of democracy, and pluralism. The academic literature on Southern Africa’s dominant party systems has produced a theoretical distinction between two types of dominance. On the one hand is simple dominance, characterized only by long-term electoral success by a single party. On the other hand is dominance by parties who emerged from national liberation movements. Some analysts have argued that the ideological orientation of liberation parties and their unique claim to the right to rule renders them incompatible with essential features of democracy. This paper investigates the possibility that these distinct varieties of dominance have distinct effects on political attitudes. The results of the analyses conducted here offer strong evidence that dominant party systems do have implications for mass attitudes. Further, this research finds strong support for the argument that the nature of a party’s dominance matters, as means comparisons and regression analyses showed that the effects of dominance on popular attitudes were considerably stronger in systems where the dominant party was descended from a national liberation movement.

Despite the increase in research on urban food insecurity, little has explicitly focused on spatial food access and malnutrition and under-nutrition amongst the urban poor in South Africa. Therefore, using a quantitative household data survey completed by the African Food Security Urban Network in 2008, this study examines the relationship of spatial food access and malnutrition and under-nutrition in three areas of Cape Town's peri-urban areas: Ocean View, Philippi, and Khayelitsha. An analysis of the survey data yields significant relationships between supermarkets and dietary diversity, as well as a robust relationship between poor household food access and malnutrition and under-nutrition. This study examined the differences of dietary diversity between Ocean View, Philippi, and Khayelitsha. This research discovered that while Ocean View had the highest household dietary diversity scores, they were also the most vulnerable to fluctuations due to their lack of spatial access to supermarkets. This study is a departure point for future research on these critical aspects of urban food insecurity in South Africa.

Includes bibliographical references. / The aim of my study was to measure the extent of children's participation in legislative processes that affect them and examine the factors that facilitate or inhibit such participation.

Research on intractable conflicts is concerned primarily with investigating the causes and conditions of conflict that contribute to its intractable nature. Often, a key starting point in the examination of intractable conflicts is to explore the relationships between the different processes driving the conflict. Prominent authors investigating the nature of intractable conflicts seek to provide a theoretical understanding of conflict, with the aim of facilitating a deeper understanding of what allows these conflicts to flourish. This dissertation will look specifically at the intractability of the conflict between Israel and Palestine, and evaluate the factors that have contributed to sustaining this conflict. This analysis, which will seek to present an understanding of how the construction of identity in relation to "the Other" has hindered viable options for sustainable peace in the region, draws on John Paul Lederach's work on conflict transformation. Transformation, Lederach argues, provides not only a lens through which to understand certain aspects of conflict but also an overarching framework to make sense of the conflict as a whole (Lederach, 2003). The central and interrelated themes of this dissertation are the competing identities claimed by Israel and Palestine in relation to the on-going conflict. Differing constructions of identity contribute to the intractability of the conflict and is echoed through the respective narratives. After presenting an analysis of the failed attempts at peace and the various negotiation phases that have taken place, the discussion will try to understand why these attempts have been unsuccessful. The main argument presented is that there is need for increased conflict awareness and understanding of the dynamics of the situation. Peace processes need to address the underlying causes and patterns of the conflict by taking into consideration the nature of the conflict, if they are to be effective. Once this is established, attention can then be turned to addressing other issues of concern, such as the status of Jerusalem, border disputes, the right of return, issues over sovereignty and security and so forth. Mechanisms to address these issues should be premised on an understanding that the conflict environment is constantly changing; consequently, approaches to peace need to be evaluated at all stages and, if necessary, adjusted to fit the shifting context.

This thesis aims at examining the extent to which state-based social assistance provision, in the form of Child Support Grant (CSG), influences the character of a developmental state. Social assistance provision is understood to be part of a developmental state response to the needs of its citizens. I have argued in this thesis that CSG influences the characteristics of a developmental state in as far as it is available to all needy children who pass the means-test regardless of race. I hold the view that the developmental approach to social policy should be of great assistance in a country such as South Africa where there is mass poverty by meeting people's needs in a short to medium term but also enabling them to depend on themselves in a long term. The history of the policy context in South Africa and three approaches to social policy have been examined. These are residual, institutional and normative approaches. My emphasis has been on the approach that best suits the developmental state. I argue that the developmental state that applies a normative approach will address issues related to the eradication of poverty, poor economic opportunities as well as social deprivation and promotes self-reliance. South Africa's conceptualisation of social policy and social welfare is in keeping with a developmental state. The problem however, is the implementation of social policy and social welfare provision. In this thesis I have focused on four research questions and these are: • Can the CSG illustrate an appropriate social policy intervention of a developmental state in the context of mass poverty? • Is South Africa's conceptualisation of social policy and social welfare in keeping with a developmental state? • What impact does social assistance provision, in the form of a CSG, have on poor households? • Can such impact together with other policy interventions contribute to lifting people out of poverty and building their developmental capacity? I have used both qualitative and quantitative to examine these questions. My findings show that social assistance in the form of CSG is consistent with the developmental approach to social welfare.

Bibliography: leaves 59-62.