Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-342). / In this thesis we examine the case of the Clarkson Mission and Tsitsikamma Mfengu communities on the Southern Cape Coast of South Africa, and highlight some of the ambiguities prevalent in their contested claims of entitlement to the Clarkson mission land. Their respective notions of communal identity are investigated, and the ways in which these are historically linked to land entitlement are examined. The analyses of the constructed communal identities of the "coloured" Clarksoner and the "native" Mfengu are located within the critical analytical approach of discourse theory, an important component of which is a socio-historical analysis. Primary data were obtained through archival, documentary, comprehensive Deeds Registry research, as well as fieldwork and in-depth interviews. Central themes in this study are colonial land dispossessions, the use of forced indigenous labour, resistance, rebellion and collaboration. The study shows that aspects of "coloured", "native", "tribal", "ancestral", Mfengu, and Moravian, used in contemporary communal identity formations are not fixed givens, but rather historical discursive constructions that are in a process of constant change. In the case of the Clarksoners we show how the Moravian historical narrative together with the Moravian Ethic had been transplanted and imposed by the early Moravian missionaries at the Cape and how these have over time come to be taken-for-granted and appropriated by members of Moravian Church, and Clarksoners in particular. We trace the origin of the Moravian narrative and show the similarities, differences, and continuity at both Genadendal in the Southern Cape and Clarkson. In the case of the Tsitsikamma Mfengu we show how the emerging colonial "Fingo" narrative and constructed colonial "Fingo" identity are firmly connected to land dispossession and forced labour in the aftermath of the 1835 Eastern Cape frontier war. We show how elements of both the "Fingo" narrative and constructed identity were appropriated and re-ordered in contemporary processes of Tsitsikamma Mfengu community identification. The study endeavours to make visible the dynamic changing history and relations of power and domination surrounding processes of communal identification that are connected to historical rights in land.

Inccludes bibliographical references (leaves 95-103). / This thesis discusses the approach taken by the South African government in response to the political and economic crisis that has gripped neighbouring Zimbabwe since the year 2000. Its aim is to explain why South Africa, under the leadership of Thabo Mbeki, adopted the controversial policy widely referred to as 'Quiet Diplomacy'. It uses a Structuralist approach to international relations, and in particular Immanuel Wallerstein's World Systems Theory to characterise South Africa as a prototypical semi-peripheral state, with a dual-contradictory role in international relations. It argues that post- apartheid South Africa's failure to make genuine progress in terms primarily of economic transformation at home, has significantly constrained her ability to adopt more conventional diplomatic methods in dealing with the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe.

The object of this study is to present a comparative analysis of the system of problem-solving workshops and associated conflict resolution techniques exemplified in the work of John W Burton and Leonard Doob and their associates. The approach has been to structure the research as a methodological critique of the Burton and Doob models, with special consideration given to their respective domain assumptions, internal logic, methodology, process and prescriptive dimensions. Informed by the assumption of the universality of conflict, the study begins by examining the particular strengths and weaknesses associated with Burton and Doob's work. The approach is descriptive-analytical and sets out to isolate, identify and describe the salient features of the problem-solving approach followed by the two authors. Specific case studies used by them have been subjected to critical analysis. The basic notion of problem-solving and its relevance to conflict analysis and resolution is also explored in some detail. In arriving at a conclusion, the study suggests that problem-solving workshops have specific strengths, notably in the area of conflict analysis as well as in influencing individual perceptions and competing value positions. Certain shortcomings in the theoretical and practical utility of this approach, however, could be overcome, in the author's opinion, by giving attention to the area of third party intervention, notably in assessing the variables affecting the process, such as the time sequence, the structure of the discussion format, and the application of specific techniques. In the final analysis, it is agreed that these problem-solving workshops can serve as a useful analytical tool in contemplating the dynamic of conflict relationships and behaviour. Their theoretical and practical utility, but remain inherently limited unless they are integrated with a broader body of literature on bargaining and third party intervention. The study concludes with the observation that despite an extensive and growing body of literature on conflict, the practice of third party intervention - especially within the workshop setting - has only recently been studied in depth. It is in this respect that this study hopes to be of some practical value especially in the case of a deeply divided society such as South Africa.

In the past decade, Ethiopia has seen unprecedented economic growth as a result of its efforts to eradicate poverty through sustainable development. Ethiopia's recent construction of the 6,000 MW Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam along the Blue Nile, a major tributary to the transboundary Nile River, supports these efforts. Despite objections from Ethiopia's downstream riparian, Egypt, construction has continued, indicating that as Ethiopia establishes itself as a rising power in the Horn of Africa, Egyptian hegemony will be increasingly challenged. Ethiopia's quest for energy sufficiency to support its development is disrupting the region's historic balance of power as well as relations among the Nile Basin countries. In particular, relations between Ethiopia and Egypt have become increasingly complex. This thesis will argue that the shifting balance of power has provided for the development of a gesellschaft society that will continue to support regional stability.

This thesis is concerned with debates around the role of intellectuals in South Africa and particularly in the question of intellectuals "speaking on behalf of the oppressed." Although such a question is foremost a response to recent debates about intellectuals in post-apartheid social movements and particularly the social movement Abahlali baseMjondolo, I anchor the discourse of "speaking on behalf of the oppressed" and its subsequent contestations in a longer historical trajectory going back to missionary ideals around civilisation, progress and trusteeship. Using a range of primary and secondary documents I trace the development of this discourse through the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid era and into post-apartheid discussions highlighting the important points of contestation. This is done by providing an initial problematization of the practice of 'speaking on behalf of others' which is subsequently linked to conceptions of the role of 'the intellectual'. Of particular importance are firstly Zygmunt Bauman's distinction between the intellectual as legislator or as interpreter related to the different between modern and post-modern conceptions of intellectual life; and secondly, Andrew Jamison and Ron Eyerman's distinction between 'intellectual in social movement' (which I translate into the idea of the allied intellectual) and movement intellectual. This thesis argues that current contestations around the role of allied intellectuals speaking for the oppressed in post-apartheid social movements show both continuities and discontinuities to earlier discourses as articulated by a range of social and liberation movements since early colonial times. It also argues that at the heart of the dilemma of intellectuals speaking for the oppressed is a contradiction between their role as legislator and as interpreter.

In order to take account of the radical change in South Africa's international and continental environment, I have divided this thesis under two headings; policy towards colonial Africa (broadly, the period 1910 - 1959) and secondly, policy towards independent Africa (1960 - ). The division is by no means an absolute one. South Africa first began to feel the pressures of decolonization soon after the end of the Second World War. These took a variety of forms; for example, India's attacks on South Africa's racial policy and the United Nations' refusal to countenance the incorporation of South West Africa into the Union. They were echoed internally by growing militancy on the part of the African National Congress in the 1950's. Similarly after 1960, by which time most of the countries of Africa had achieved independence, the remnants of colonialism remained important to South African foreign policy. Firstly, the continuing existence of the Portuguese empire has carried the colonial order into the 1970's. Secondly, the former colonial powers have continued to exercise considerable influence on their ex-colonies. In particular, France's neo-colonial hold on many of her former colonies has assumed special importance in the context of South African initiatives towards francophone Africa.

Bibliography: p. 217-229. / To a political scientist the challenge.is irresistible of trying to explain and understand a conflict society which is generally characterised in the world as historically anachronistic, politically untenable, economically wasteful and morally unacceptable. It is common cause that South Africa will change. What are the likely ways in which the conflict will be resolved, and which is most likely? These are the questions to which this thesis will attempt to provide answers: it is an effort to determine, as far as possible, the nature, direction and pace of change in South Africa, as seen by a selected group of recent studies of South African politics. The method will be to test the validity of the respective positions on this and related issues embedded in the selected studies of South African politics. Part II, the major part of the work, therefore, is an examination of the explicit or implicit assumptions and values, the conceptual and theoretical frameworks, the use of evidence, the existence of counter evidence, the omissions, inconsistencies and conclusions of various studies of South Africa, in order to assess the strengths and weaknesses of each as explanations of the political, social and economic process. In the course of the examination, an alternative analysis of the issues will be presented and defended. A synopsis of the analysis will be given in Part III. This will be used as a means for testing the analyses of the selected studies, before selecting what is valid in all of them in terms of providing possible answers to the questions posed about the resolution of conflict.

A wide range of auto/biographies and life stories has narrated South Africa's transition from apartheid to non-racial liberal democracy. However, the vast majority of these works has viewed the transformation process through the eyes of men and women who have lived extraordinary and spectacular lives. Following Ndebele's (1994) recognition of the radical potential of attending to the lives of ordinary South Africans, this thesis shifts the focus from the extraordinary and spectacular to the ordinary and examines the personal life stories of two female rural-to-urban migrants who have lived their entire lives on the margins of society. Viewing 'the margins' and 'the ordinary' as powerful sites for the production of counterhegemonic discourses (ibid; hooks, 1990:145) the thesis also reflects on what the women's life stories can teach us about South Africa's transformation process and post-apartheid freedom twenty-two years on. The thesis documents a halting and ambiguous transformation process and its impact on two black women who have spent their entire lives on the margins of the South African society. Particular light is shed on the limited and uneven impacts of the post-apartheid state's historical remedies and attempts to make a clean break with the past. Tracing how women's agency has played out over nearly four decades, the thesis shows how apartheids' racial, gendered and spatial legacies endure and are reinforced by current neoliberal policies and urban planning. The women's narratives also illustrate a yawning gap between South Africa's ideological and constitutional commitments and the lived realities for women left out of the "liberal promise" of development and prosperity (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2001) By shifting the focus from the spectacular and extraordinary to the ordinary, the thesis ultimately challenges us to rethink the notion of 1994 as a watershed moment in the lives of women of colour. On the one hand, the women's narratives clearly demonstrate the women's great resilience and ability to fend for themselves and their families in the face of adversity. On the other, their narratives also show the importance of confronting one-dimensional images of black women as strong and enduring 'superwomen' with little need for social support and assistance. The thesis concludes by reflecting on the women's ambivalent experiences of post-apartheid freedom. By attending to the women's daily concerns and grievances, the thesis highlights the limits of liberal freedom and democracy in the context of on-going violence, precarity and material lack.

The central goal of this thesis is to explore the underlying theories and concepts that help to explain the step-by-step processes and form the foundations of reconciliation-based programmes in Cape Town, South Africa. In theory, civil society organisations (CSOs) have logical rationales of how their project designs lead to some form of reconciliation, but in practice, the links between project activities and project goals are very ambiguous and are seldom articulated in detail. Through empirical research, this thesis provides the explanation and articulation needed to link the goals and outcomes by applying strategies used in "theory of change" (TOC) discourse to two community reconciliation projects in Cape Town: the Community Healing Project housed under the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, and the Healing of Memory workshops housed under the Institute for Healing of Memories. A TOC framework was first applied to community projects in the 1990s in the United States. The framework was designed to help explain the underlying theories that linked the activities to outcomes of community programmes that were established to tackle social issues on the community level. Seen as a success in explaining these projects, a TOC framework has been applied to several other community organisations, but has not been fully explored outside the Western context. The main goal of this research, then, is to apply a TOC framework to the two case studies and ascertain if it is a helpful tool in explaining community reconciliation interventions. The rationale for this research stems from the superficial engagement of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South African communities, which resulted in a lack of healing and reconciliation at the community level. After the completion of the TRC, CSOs filled this gap in reconciliation by designing programmes to facilitate healing and reconciliation within communities. Years into the construction of such reconciliation projects, more information is needed about how the CSOs explain their programmes. The methodology for this research first involves an inductive approach that allows for observations about the activities and intended outcomes that make up the two case studies, then applies a TOC framework that allows for the explanation of the concepts that link the activities and outcomes. The research concludes that the application of a TOC framework to community reconciliation projects is not only a useful tool in helping to explain how the projects operate, but should be a necessary practice in explaining community reconciliation interventions because of its ability to describe the complicated phenomenon of reconciliation and avoid superficial explanations. By applying a TOC framework, the concepts and theories that lie behind the intervention strategies help to articulate why change happens the way it does.

Boko Haram emerged as an independent group in Nigeria in the early 2000s and has since begun an insurgency, primarily operating in the northeastern region of Nigeria and increasingly further south and across the country's borders. Researchers have conducted numerous studies analyzing the causes of the insurgency. However few have compared it to other insurgencies in Nigeria or Africa. This thesis analyzes the causes behind Boko Haram's operations by drawing on the main debates within the literature on causes of insurgency in Africa. This analysis demonstrates how the academic literature on insurgency in Africa highlights important causes of Boko Haram's insurgency, but it also identifies gaps in the literature. One of the most important findings of the thesis is that religion can be a dominate cause of conflict. I argue that one of the main causes of Boko Haram's insurgency is the political competition over various issues between Nigerian Islamic organizations and political organizations. The most recent examples are the implementation of Sharia law across many of the states in northern Nigeria coupled with elite mobilization of youth groups affiliated with mosques. The role of religion as a cause of Boko Haram´s insurgency should not however be exaggerated as specific state weaknesses, especially a weak security apparatus, caused by democratization have also been one of the significant causes.