The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures of the Congress Alliance and of white party politics. This separate organisation from men was not carried out with an explicit feminist agenda or a developed awareness of women's oppression, however. Nevertheless, their existence constituted a challenge to the dominant patriarchal discourse that constructed women's role as domestic and exclusive to the private sphere. Newspaper representations of the two organisations by both their political allies and their political opponents, provide evidence of this dominant discourse on "women's place" and insight on the public perception of political activity by women at the time. Within the texts of FSAW and the Black Sash one finds tensions between accepted notions of women's primary role as wives and mothers, and an emerging self-conception of women as politically active in the public realm. To an extent, the self-representation of these texts mirrors the patriarchal representations of women found in the newspaper reports. However, there are also definite departures from the traditional formulations of womanhood that can be conceived of as "contestations" to the dominant discourse. The patriarchal discourse was, therefore, a discursive constraint, both external and internalised, on women's ability to become active and effective in South Africa politics in the 1950s. Paradoxically, through the practical process of women's mobilisation in FSAW and the Black Sash, new space was opened on the political terrain that allowed for the alteration of the dominent discourse on women's place in society, as well as for the emergence of contestatory feminist discourses in South Africa.

Bibliography: pages 372-383. / This dissertation constitutes a study of all issues relevant to South West Africa/Namibian independence, from 1915 to June 1983. The method employed is primarily of a descriptive, historical and analytical nature, which brings together in a concise study a variety of primary research materials, particularly with extensive use of newspaper resources. Due to the limited available material on South West Africa/ Namibia, it was necessary to rely upon these journalistic sources to a large extent. It was, therefore, necessary to assume that: 1. newspaper references are correct and valid, and that articles by relevant authorities and political figures are a true expression of the writers' political beliefs; 2. that in terms of books, journals and other published materials in relation to South West Africa/Namibia, the facts have been accurately researched and verified, and 3. that personal conversations with relevant authorities are genuine as to the thoughts expressed. A number of hypotheses are put forward: 1. that independence will come about as the result of a process of negotiation and not because of military victory or defeat; 2. that the South West Africa People's Organisation is bound to be part of any true settlement; 3. that this organisation cannot claim to be the 'sole authentic representative' of the Territory's population, and, 4. as a result of this, there is a definite need for the accommodation of other internal parties in a genuine settlement as well.

Canada's immigration policy is based on the notion that increased levels of immigration will bring economic prosperity to the nation and its citizens. However, some immigrants and refugees face a number of challenges in finding adequate employment which has contributed to their living in low socio-economic conditions. Using a document analysis, I investigated the structural and historical contexts and the accountability mechanisms of Canada’s immigration policy under the lens of critical political studies theory and critical race theory to gain some insight as to what some of the dynamics are which could account for the discrepancy between the expected economic outcomes and the actual experiences of new Canadians. I learned that the policy is driven by hegemonic economic forces. From this perspective, I have concluded that immigration is a policy tool used to support the nation’s economic policy resulting in settlement and integration practices favouring the industry that immigration has created rather than the interests and needs of immigrants.

Canada's immigration policy is based on the notion that increased levels of immigration will bring economic prosperity to the nation and its citizens. However, some immigrants and refugees face a number of challenges in finding adequate employment which has contributed to their living in low socio-economic conditions. Using a document analysis, I investigated the structural and historical contexts and the accountability mechanisms of Canada’s immigration policy under the lens of critical political studies theory and critical race theory to gain some insight as to what some of the dynamics are which could account for the discrepancy between the expected economic outcomes and the actual experiences of new Canadians. I learned that the policy is driven by hegemonic economic forces. From this perspective, I have concluded that immigration is a policy tool used to support the nation’s economic policy resulting in settlement and integration practices favouring the industry that immigration has created rather than the interests and needs of immigrants.

This paper aims to research how left anti-systemic groups in the European Union meet the challenges a transnational political system creates for them. System critical movements have existed for a long time, but in times of an increasingly transnational multi-level polity it is important to consider how system criticism changes. In a qualitative study of six left antisystemic groups from Germany and Sweden, this paper seeks to give insights on left anti-system activism and the role of local groups in connection to transnational social movements. Qualitative interviews with group members, a qualitative content analysis and the connection to Social Movements Theories bring forward a hypothesis of how left anti-systemic groups use political theories, position themselves in the process of political change and what influence they can have on transnational social movements. In order to meet the challenges of (1) the difficulties of defining the political system that the groups are active against (the political system in the EU) (2) more complex and abstract issues that are dealt with (3) the fading importance of the role of the state in the process of political change, the groups adapt by using political literature in an open way and focusing on practical activism. Furthermore, the groups increasingly use transnationalism as a conception for their activism and therefore perceive their main tasks in providing infrastructure and continuous local organization to enable mobilization for transnational social movements. The role suggested for local or national anti-systemic groups in transnational social movements is existential, even though the importance of this role is not always reflected upon by the group members.

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Jusqu’en 1481, Marseille fait partie d’un Etat indépendant, le comté de Provence et en est la plus grande ville sans en être toutefois la capitale. Or, en 1481, le dernier comte de Provence meurt sans héritier et il lègue l’ensemble de ses territoires au roi de France, Louis XI. Cependant, en Provence, les structures et pratiques politiques sont différentes du royaume de France, et Marseille appartient à un espace politico-culturel méditerranéen où la vie politique des villes est marquée par le modèle de la commune, également présent en Italie du nord et du centre. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’observer le passage d’un espace politico-culturel marqué par l’héritage des comtes de Provence et des cadres politiques de la commune à un espace politico-culturel dominé par le roi de France, où la relation entre le souverain et les villes s’inscrit dans le cadre de la « bonne ville ». Pour mener à bien ce travail, nous avons choisi de nous intéresser au conseil de ville, qui est la pièce maîtresse du pouvoir municipal, et à ses membres, afin d’observer les mutations introduites par ce transfert de souveraineté. Nous avons décidé de voir ces mutations en ce qui concerne la culture et l’identité du groupe dirigeant de la ville afin de s'inscrire dans une histoire culturelle du pouvoir municipal. Toute ville peut se définir comme un système politique où différents pouvoirs coexistent et se réajustent en permanence les uns par rapport aux autres au gré des événements et des changements qui peuvent surgir. La première partie examine les réajustements aux XIVe et XVe siècles à Marseille, qui permettent au pouvoir municipal de devenir dominant à Marseille face aux autres pouvoirs sous le règne de René Ier d’Anjou (1434-1480). La deuxième partie étudie les hommes à le tête du conseil de ville, les fondements de leur pouvoir et leurs modifications autour du rattachement de 1481. Enfin, la dernière partie examine les changements de culture et d’identité du groupe introduits par le transfert de souveraineté et les nouvelles ambitions en Méditerranée du groupe dirigeant, qui jettent les bases d’une véritable thalassocratie qui s’épanouira au XVIIe siècle. / Until 1481, Marseilles is a part of an independant state, the county of Provence and it’s the biggest city, even if it’s not the capital. But, in 1481, the last count of Provence died without a son and he gives in his testament all his goods and territories to the king of France Louis XI. After that, Marseilles, like the rest of the former county is integrated in the French royal domain. But, in Provence the cultural and political structures and practices are different from the kingdom of France, and Marseilles belongs to a politico-cultural space where the political life is influenced by the model of “commune”, we can also see in the north of Italy. My aim in this thesis is to study the mobility between a politico-cultural space influences by the counts of Provence and the political structures and culture of the “commune” to a politico-cultural space dominated by the king of France thanks to a structure called “bonne ville”. I decided to study the council of the city which is the main structure of the municipal power and the leaders who are in this council in order to see the modifications after 1481 about the culture and the identity of this ruling class. I propose with this thesis an essay of cultural history of the municipal power. Each city is a political system, where different powers coexist. Those powers move and fix themselves towards the other ones. In the 1st part, I study how the municipal power becomes the most important one in Marseilles during the reign of René the 1st of Anjou. Then, in the second part, I study the leaders of the council, the foundations of their power and the modifications after 1481. Finally, in the 3rd part, I study the new ambitions of the leaders of Marseilles which lead in the 17th century to build a real thalassocracy in the Mediterranean world. / Fino al 1481, Marsiglia è la città più grande della contea di Provenza, uno stato indipendente, pur senza esserne la capitale. In quell’anno, l'ultimo conte di Provenza muore senza eredi e dona la sua contea al re di Francia, Luigi XI. Le strutture e le pratiche politiche della Provenza sono però molto diverse rispetto a quelle del regno di Francia: Marsiglia fa parte di uno spazio politico-culturale del Mediterraneo, dove la vita politica urbana è segnata da un modello comunale del tutto simile a quello che si riscontra nelle città dell'Italia centro-settentrionale. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di studiare il passaggio di questo spazio politico-culturale, segnato dall’eredità angioina e da un governo di tipo comunale, a quello dominato dal re di Francia, nel quale la relazione tra il sovrano e le città è costruita attorno al modello della "bonne ville". Per studiare questo tema, si è scelto di concentrarsi sul consiglio della città di Marsiglia, l'istituzione simbolo del potere municipale, e sugli uomini che lo componevano, al fine di apprezzare le mutazioni dovute al cambiamento di sovranità avvenute al suo interno. L’intento è di analizzare i cambiamenti legati alla cultura e all’identità della classe dirigente, nell’ottica di una storia culturale del potere municipale. Tutte le città possono definirsi come un sistema politico all’interno del quale si trovano a coesistere diversi poteri, che si relazionano fra loro in base agli avvenimenti e ai cambiamenti interni ed esterni alla città stessa. La prima parte della tesi si concentra sul processo mediante il quale il potere municipale ha preso il sopravvento a Marsiglia sotto il regno di Renato I (1434-1480). Nella seconda, invece, si analizzano gli uomini che formano il consiglio della città, l’origine del loro potere e le mutazioni che avvengono dopo il 1481. Infine, l’ultima parte ha per oggetto le trasformazioni nell’identità e nella cultura del gruppo dirigente cittadino in seguito al cambiamento di sovranità, evento che getterà le basi della talassocrazia marsigliese del XVII secolo.