Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-126). / This study provides a descriptive analysis of South Africa's response to the emerging global information policy regime. Compelled by a combination of hegemonic influences and its own self interest, this study argues that South Africa accepted the liberalising commitments of the emerging global information policy regime vis-a-vis the World Trade Organization Agreement on Basic Telecommunications. As a contribution to understanding inter-state cooperation in international relations, regime theory is utilised as the theoretical framework. The regime framework is used to explain the motivations behind South Africa's intention to liberalise its telecommunications sector as a result of power dynamics in the international system. The findings from the qualitative analysis note that South Africa's response is motivated by systemic and domestic factors. A willingness to enter the information economy and fulfil domestic social development means that South Africa has to balance its obligations to the WTO with the commitments to improve its domestic accessibility concerns. As a developing country with inadequate conditions for liberalisation, South Africa was unable to stop the strategic equity partners from capitalising on the poorly regulated telecommunications environment. The unfavourable result of high tariff charges and low fixed-line connectivity can be attributed to privatisation initiatives and lack of political will to promote competition. South Africa is in the midst of dramatic change in its telecommunications sector which is aided by technological convergence, further privatisation of the incumbent and the introduction of the Second Network Operator. The international scope of this study means that liberalisation is part of South Africa's broader commitments to the emerging global information policy regime. Entering the information economy is conditional on the successful implementation of international liberalisation policies so that the required investment and skills can assist in providing universal service to the majority of South Africa citizens. However, implementation requires a fair market structure, independent regulation and low interconnection charges. Without these important structures in place, this study notes that the goal of participation in the information economy and economic growth as a result of effective telecommunication utilisation is a distant reality.

This is a study about the Ethiopian revolution through the social and cultural developments that formed the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. The largest participants in the social protests of 1974 were predominantly young Addis Ababans with a range of class and social formations. They were the authors of the Ethiopian revolution. In addition to documenting the social protests of 1974, however, this study is also interested in tracing the subject formation of the youth in Addis Ababa between the 1950s and 1974. By giving special focus to developments in the post 1950 period, where demographic, social and cultural transformations take particular intensity and form in the making of Addis Ababa, this study seeks to expose the linkages between the subject formation of the youth in the two and a half decades leading up to the revolution. By examining the processes that went into the formation of dissidence, this study asks whether factors (other than university student militancy) were significant to explain the emergence of the Ethiopian revolution. The material for this study comes from three main archives: 1. Non-literary works: newspapers and magazines; 2. Literary works: mainly novels and musical productions; and 3. Interviews. By integrating written and audio-visual archives and oral materials, this study examines and analyses the history of subject formation of the youth before and during the Ethiopian revolution. The significance of this study lies in its emphasis on the multiplicity of social actors in the making of the Ethiopian revolution as well as its attempt to demonstrate that subject formation was a function of everyday life and social and cultural production of rebel sensibility in Addis Ababa. In its attempt towards writing the popular dimensions of the history of the Ethiopian revolution in the Ethiopian capital, this study examines the conditions in which the social protests of 1974 occurred, and the social and cultural context in which the revolution became "thinkable". It demonstrates the interconnections between the social and cultural formation of subjects, the political formativeness of cultural phenomena, and explicitly political protest.

This thesis uses three social movement theories to analyse the growth and development of Rape Crisis Cape Town (Rape Crisis). Rape Crisis provides counselling to rape victims, education and advocacy. The thesis also uses Rape Crisis to assess the analytic power of these theories, which were developed in the USA and Europe, in South Africa. This thesis seeks answers to several key questions about Rape Crisis's history. It emerged in 1976 at a time when there was relatively little self-conscious feminist activity in South Africa. How was Rape Crisis able to emerge and grow despite hostility from authorities and other left wing organisations; why Rape Crisis went from a modified collective to a collective when feminist organisations usually follow the opposite path; why Rape Crisis maintained its collective structure for much longer than most feminist organisations; why Rape Crisis changed dramatically in terms of structure and organisational culture after 1992? This work uses interviews, documentary evidence, and secondary sources to build a picture of Rape Crisis's development and the issues it confronted. The thesis covers the period 1976 to 2000. The main chapters consider a phase of Rape Crisis's development using the three social movement theories under consideration: resource mobilisation theory, political process theory and generational theory. The analytical power of each theory is considered. The thesis concludes that the theories considered offer a cogent analysis of Rape Crisis and combining the theories creates a strong analysis. The theories were able to provide answers to the key questions outlined above. The shortfalls identified in the theories were not caused because the theories were unsuitable for examining an organisation in South Africa. The problems stemmed from the failure of the theories to consider the impact of emotion on organisations. Thus, the criticism is applicable to these theories whenever they are dealing with social movement organisations that engage in emotional work. The key emotions for the purposes of this thesis were stress and those associated with trauma. These emotions impacted on decision-making, organisational structure and collective identity. However, the thesis concludes that the existing theories can be adapted to consider the impact of emotion. Rape Crisis's ability to emerge and grow without a sponsor organisation challenges the theories' arguments about the importance of social movement organisations being based in organisationally rich social sectors.

This study examines a specific current of political thought in South Africa, which is sometimes identified - in a way which obscures its character and development - as Afrikaner liberalism. This current of thought has as its core a defence of free speech in its classical, rather than modem liberal, sense as a precondition for a good society, rather than an individual right. The study traces this current from its sources in the uneven development of Western political thought in the 18th and 19th centuries, and through its development in South Africa from the mid-19th century to the present. I argue that this current of thought extends beyond Afrikaner political and intellectual life, that it is best interpreted as a tradition of dialectical thought, and that it represents the most distinctive and enduring form of dialectical thought in South Africa. In the aftermath ,0fthe American and French Revolutions, the central concepts in Western political thought were transformed, and in the process the classical republican idea of freedom - including freedom of speech - as the collective power of an active citizenry was displaced by the liberal idea of freedom as an individual right, which each could choose to exercise or not. By examining the ways in which the legacy of Socrates was re-interpreted in this time, and assimilated into liberal political thought, we can see how the dialectical capacities of that legacy came to be blunted in the process. In the Netherlands, however, the republican legacy of Socrates lived on, and a distinctive dialectical tradition emerged - especially within liberal Protestantism - which had considerable influence on intellectual life in the Cape Colony during the middle decades of the 19th century. The characteristic ideas and arguments of the dialectical tradition in South Africa emerged in the major intellectual conflict of that time - the so-called 'liberalism struggle' in the Dutch Reformed Church. Theological liberalism had been defeated by the 1870s, and its defeat cleared the way for a more conservative appropriation of the classical legacy - in which leading Cape liberals were prominent. But that legacy also served as a source for a dissenting view of history articulated by individuals of diverse political convictions - J.W.G. van Oordt, Olive Schreiner, Gandhi and others. This tradition found a more enduring institutional base in the academic discipline of philosophy at Stellenbosch, in the aftermath of the du Plessis case of 1928-32. The Stellenbosch philosophical tradition came to be transformed in the 1940s by a younger generation, largely through the assimilation of themes from Kierkegaard. Its themes were developed further in the work of Johan Degenaar, which led during the years of apartheid conformity to a vigorous critique of dogmatism and a dialectical account of the moral tasks of the individual. Sometime after 1970, however, as the apartheid regime began its attempts at pragmatic reform, this .tradition reached the limits of its call for oop gesprek. Central themes from this tradition were to be re-invented in the dialectical thought of Breyten Breytenbach, after the collapse of his venture into revolutionary politics in 1975, drawing on the dialectical capacities of Western Marxism, but seeking to deploy them in a more open-ended and dialogical way. Breytenbach's project had strong parallels with the work of Richard Turner, the major figure in the assimilation of Western Marxist ideas within the trade union and student movements in South Africa, which are also explored here. The most immediate context in which the future direction of this tradition is being decided is that of the new politics of Afrikaans, which has drawn on the legacy of Afrikaner opposition to apartheid and on Breytenbach's dialectical critique of the negotiated settlement in South Africa, but has at the same time failed to develop a collective alternative to the liberal capitalist model of freedom whose dominance threatens cultural and linguistic diversity

The dissertation asserts that South Africa is a divided society where cleavages of class, race and ethnicity exist due to the proliferation of particularised identity formation under the systems of apartheid and colonisation. Despite the process of democratisation in 1994 the possibilities of political parties reflecting these cleavages are high, leading to identity mobilisation and system instability. Instead, South Africa has experienced an overlapping of class, race and ethnicity where mobilisation of particular identities is slight, which has resulted in a degree of stability within the political system. An explanation is required to understand the increasing integrating tendencies within the political system as a whole. The study will argue that the political system promotes system integration and therefore societal integration because of post-apartheid institutional arrangements. Institutional arrangements that enhance political integration can be located within the legislature, known as the National Assembly in South Africa, and include the PR electoral system and party representivity and secondly, the role of minority parties in the legislative process. South Africa is used as an illustrative case to evaluate the relationship between the legislature and integration of the political system. A process of political integration is an essential condition for the future stability of South African political system. The theoretical framework establishes the relationship between the legislature and political integration. The concept of political integration and associated aspects like interest articulation and aggregation as functions of the legislature are utilised. The pluralist approach explains how societal conflicts manifest themselves as groups with various identities and interests. The pluralist perspective also shows how divided societies challenge political integration due to resultant societal conflict. The neo-institutionalist approach aids the investigation of the legislature in order to evaluate its role in the integration of the political system. ii The importance of, and challenges to, political integration in South Africa are discussed by examining the divided nature of the society. The constructionist approach is used as an explanatory tool to consider the causative factors of South Africa's societal divisions. The legislature is evaluated by focusing on two research areas: The inclusive formal representation of all societal groups in the form of political parties within the legislature; and the degree of influence afforded to the represented political parties at the decision-making level where disparate demands can be channeled, given expression and some degree of persuasion. The first indicator deals with the electoral system and its effects on political inclusivity for parties within the legislature. Secondly, the electoral system is examined to assess whether it allows for electorate inclusivity. Slating procedures and activities of political Parties; are discussed, to illustrate politically inclusive behaviour. Lastly, the nature of the party system contributes to the study as it affects how politically inclusive the political arena is. These focal points reflect the various ways that the legislature can promotes political integration. The second indicator focuses on the decision-making level of the legislature. The committee system and its implications for political inclusivity are examined by focusing on its structural and procedural elements and its powers. Secondly, House Rules and Procedures are investigated to measure the opportunities for parties to influence the legislative process. Thirdly, the skill of opposition parties impacts on their ability to be influential at this level. Finally, the role of the representative and his relationship with the electorate is discussed.

Future technologies are being produced by private actors in projects promising radical societal changes. Little attention is given to the intention of these private actors. This increases the risk of missing the ways in which private political and economic interests shape future technological imagining. From Jeff Bezos floating space coloniesto Mark Zuckerberg's reality bending ‘metaverse', private companies envision futures that will be far better than present society. However, factors that caused the need for societal transformation are being reworked into the imaginings of future landscapes promising. Through a comparative case study analysis of the robot projects of Sophia the Robot and Miquela Sousa, the argument presented in this research study is thatthe improved and inspiring future landscapes each robot project presents cannot be achieved. This is because the ideological framing of each project replicates the logic of modernity, which functions on structures of oppression. By applying colonial and modern examples from the past and present, this study illustrates the ways in which systems of oppression – such as white supremacy and enslavement- are reproduced in the imaginings of the future in private actors' technological projects as well as the technologies itself.

This thesis traces and analyses the development of sport transformation and democratization in South Africa since the new constitutional dispensation, commencing in the early 1990âs. The origin, evolution and development of sport in South Africa are still in its infancy in comparison with sporting history in the global context. However, tremendous strides have also been made in other sport events, such as hosting rugby, soccer, cricket and golf, for example, at an international level. Furthermore, the knowledge about sport and democracy was not well addressed, defined and explicit. Additionally, the transformation and democratization of South African sport have been given only superficial attention since the dawn of the new democracy. In this regard rugby and politics have been intertwined in South African sport for more than fifteen decades (1861â2012). There was virtually no racial mixing of any kind in South African sport previously. The all-encompassing apartheid laws effectively prevented racial integration, both on and off the field. Above all sports apartheid was tragic in its denial of human dignity and its enforced waste of human talent and possibilities. Therefore, by using the grounded theory approach, this thesis examines empirical evidence gathered from the research participantâs data and information. The scope and nature of the research project necessitate applying the grounded theory approach which included many issues at hand to understand the origin and development of the issues, one has to determine whether transformation and democratisation of South African sport was politically or merit driven. In addition to that, a key outcome of the research was to construct a proposed theoretical framework by means of the grounded theory approach in qualitative research. The framework will eventually emerge from data collected from the relevant stakeholders involving in South African sport. The study also examines to what extent transformation has taken place since the new constitutional dispensation in the country. What progress has been made and at what pace. The latter issues necessitate the possibility to investigate the problem regarding quota systems, merit selection and development programmes in rugby. These issues form an integral part of the research on transformation and democratization in rugby. The thesis also addresses the questions on what is the relationship between sport and politics since the new democratic order in 1994.What are the basic assumptions that define transformation and democratization? Do representative teams at all levels reflect the demographics of the society or only the participating sport people? How appropriate are the principles of transformation? For example, democracy, non-racialism, equity and access, redress and representatively are principles which can be utilised or used to explain the process of transformation? Therefore to interface between rugby and sport has become a major focus of attention. Transformation in rugby since the unification in 1992 is not simply about replacing white faces with black faces but involved personal attitudinal, institutional and paradigm changes. By applying the grounded theory approach it was possible that all relevant theoretical contrasts could emerge as a possible theory. Political change in South Africa since 1994 has led to the transformation and democratization of sporting bodies and the acceptance of non-racialism in sport. But since 1995 Rugby World Cup transformation is viewed with suspicion from both the Blacks and Whites. The thesis attempts to address this vicious cycle of wrong perceptions. The conflict in sport is so intense because South Africa is culturally a mixed society. But clinging to the past both Blacks and Whites are dangerous obstacles to transformation. In fact, sport should be seen as a great equaliser in society. The research framework has been constructed from the data collected from the recorded narrative of the participants. The interpretation of the data created the context of emerging themes.

This thesis sets out to confirm the relationship between corruption and political transformation. The thesis commences by investigating different modes of political change with particular emphasis on the characteristics, nature and content of political transformation. With the relationship of the above phenomena being the focal point, the thesis extensively examines the concept of corruption by interrogating different definitions, its causes and consequences. It was also the aim of the study to context the role of ethics/morality as well as that of leadership within the relationship. The study applied a deductive and qualitative approach in exploring case studies in three African states prior to shifting focus to South Africa where both public sector departments as well as private sector experiences come under scrutiny. Apart from the broader South African environment, selected departments of the Eastern Provincial Government were also placed under the microscope as a continuation of the case-study approach. Drawing on the theories on the one hand and the case studies on the other, significant evidence could be found to categorically confirm the relationship between corruption and transformation. Overall this study is part of a growing body of research dealing with the effect of corruption in countries undergoing processes of political change. The study concludes by providing recommendations aimed at the development of an effective anti-corruption framework.

This thesis seeks to improve our understanding of the integration of explicit environmental motives into innovation processes. This will be done by applying insights from the social shaping of technology field as well as organisation studies to the area of environmental innovation, which is dominated by environmental management literature. The environmental innovation literature typically conflates the motives behind environmental innovations and the resulting technological outcomes, thus reifying environmental motives and causing confusion regarding the concepts of ‘environmental innovation’ and ‘cleaner technology’. We will here disentangle motives and outcomes and contextualise innovations in terms of other motives as well as other practices than those labelled environmental. An underlying assumption in the literature is also that firms are monolithic, rational actors where management decisions are implemented by straightforward translations into technological solutions, neglecting any influence from other actors in the firm. We will here instead investigate the processual and political aspects of innovations and their environmental aspects. Special attention will be given to the roles and expertise of engineers, environmental staff and managers. Moreover, a lot of the environmental innovation literature is determinist in its attempts to promote ‘best practice’ and the greening of firms. To avoid this we will, through a focus on the processual and structural dimensions of firm organisation, seek to distinguish between one-off contingencies and longer lasting changes. We will also be sensitive to the possibility that organisational change may lead to worse as well as better environmental performance. This thesis looks at chemicals industry firms since they have a long history of exposure to environmental regulation, and are likely to have well-developed routines and expertise for environmental innovations. As a comparison dairy industry firms are also studied. To avoid decontextualisation and environmental management determinism, we chose cases irrespective of whether the environmental motive was central to the innovation or not. The cases include both core technology and end-of-pipe innovations. The data was collected mainly through semi-structured interviews with actors in the firms. The analysis is based on comparison of cases in the two industrial sectors, and in Sweden and Scotland. A central result of the thesis is that we can and should distinguish between ‘unintentional’, ‘intentional’ and ‘ambitious’ cleaner technology innovations, depending on the role of environmental motives in the innovation process. We also saw that the environmental label could be doing purely rhetorical work independently of the design choices made. In fact, we saw no example of ambitious cleaner technology, and few cases of intentional cleaner technology, which is surprising given the choice of chemicals industry cases. In terms of firm organisation, we have developed the concept of the Company Social Constitution to capture the structured context of environmental work in innovation processes. This helped us explain the roles of environmental staff as buffers and boundary spanners, in competition with engineers regarding technological work, and depending on current and past regulatory pressure. Finally, we were able to put forth a new theorisation of environmental championing that captures both structural and action aspects of organisational life to explain this behaviour.

This study investigates the management of the conflict and struggles that arise when a variety of cultural groups reside in one society, under one political system (plurality). As various groups endeavour to establish their particular value system as the prevailing value system of the society, the value system of one or more of the other groups is compromised. Tension, conflict and struggle ensue. Where this struggle becomes violent, hundreds of thousands of lives can be lost. During the middle of the twentieth century, the idea emerged that plurality can be accommodated in a positive manner. Over time, this idea crystallized into the theory (or ideology) of Pluralism. The purpose of this study was to identify measures that were applied over a period of more than three centuries (1652 to 1962) in three different areas (currently known as the USA, South Africa and Australia) to manage plurality; and to determine how such measures influenced these societies in the long-term. A theory (more accurately, an ideology) like Pluralism is not the ideal instrument for objective analysis, because of its inherent value bias. This study therefore developed an empirical analytical framework through which to analyse the measures employed to handle plurality, and the effects thereof. It was felt that using this framework to conduct a comparative analysis would shed more light on both the measures that were applied over a long period in various societies, and the longterm effect of the various measures on these societies. It would also assist in projecting the probable effect of certain measures if applied to a specific society, under specific circumstances. However, the emphasis of this study is on the development of the analytical framework and the application thereof on the historical data of the chosen areas and societies from the beginning of the seventeenth century to just after the middle of the twentieth century, with a cut-off date of 1962. Although the framework was not applied to other societies, in other periods, due to the colossal nature of such an exercise, the results of this historical analysis indicate that the analytical framework developed in this study could open perspectives that could not be obtained through other methods. In the course of applying the framework illustratively to the chosen historical data, this study describes the various cultural groups involved, as well as their differences regarding numbers, language and culture. Conflicts that arose are noted, as well as the measures employed to deal with the plurality. Furthermore, from the methods that were used in various time frames, deductions are made regarding the morality that was current in those times. From an ideologically pluralistic perspective, some of the identified measures employed to cope with plurality could be regarded as negative, in that they were intended to suppress or eliminate plurality â mostly accompanied by some form of violence â whereas others could be regarded as positive, in their attempt to take plurality into consideration when determining the overarching values of the society, and even to strengthen and broaden the plurality. Finally, the morality of the actions of the various governments was judged against the prevailing morality of their times. In this study it was established that the governments of the three territories applied more or less the same methods in more or less the same periods to handle plurality under the influence of the contemporary international morality.