Includes bibliography. / This thesis set to find out how the Kenyan government has maintained control over the military. The research was based on existing secondary data not primary sources. In chapter one, the problem being investigated was outlined as well as a literature review. This chapter is important in that it exposes to the reader the literature in the field and shows the niche that this thesis fills. The second chapter, looks at the means used by the Kenyan government in controlling its military. The significance of this chapter is that it highlights the civil -military relationship tracing this relationship back to the colonial era. Outlining the theoretical background, the chapter shows the various methods used by the Kenyan government to maintain control. Chapter three is an assessment of the social-political arena in Kenya. This chapter is important in that it shows how the socio-political background plays an important part in this control. In the last chapter we took at the prospects for continued civilian control in Kenya. This chapter raises important issues to be considered as we took at civilian control of the military in Kenya.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-88). / On democratisation, the South African government faced the enormous challenge of providing services to those disadvantaged by apartheid. In the area of water provision, the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry implemented a policy of cost recovery to enable local government to become financially sustainable. However, as this policy allowed municipalities to cut off the water supply of consumers who defaulted in their municipal payments, government's stance on non-payment - that it was a residual culture of the rates' boycotts of the apartheid era - drew fire, with critics arguing that the real issue was about the affordability of services, particular in terms of such a basic service as water provision. This dissertation examines the reasons for non-payment for municipal services and the implications of the policy of cost recovery for impoverished households in the small town of Grabouw in the Western Cape. A detailed household analysis demonstrates that non-payment for services is related to unemployment and the consequent inability to afford services.

Includes bibliographical references. / This work is an examination of the media in South Africa (SA). Here it shall be seen that SA was not a democratic state while under National Party (NP) rule. This statement is obvious as the vast majority of SA citizens were denied the franchise. But democracy eluded even those enjoying life within the narrow confines of white democratic rule, as they were denied the information necessary to make informed decisions. The control of information by political players will be a key area of focus. This topic was chosen because SA has entered a new phase of government, that being a liberal democracy. Fears have been expressed in SA that democracy may slide into a dictatorship, or at least a tyranny of the majority in which the will of the masses (in this case a racial group, the blacks) will be imposed upon the minority at the expense of their current liberties. If democratic consolidation is to take place in SA, the media and other members of civil society must play a role in that consolidation. One way in which to prepare for the future is to examine the past: the media is no exception.

Donors have been using various strategies to promote democracy in developing countries. One of the strategies is to support civil society organisations to foster vibrant civil society that can hold government responsive and accountable. Sub-Saharan Africa is no exception, in that all sub-Saharan countries except for the Seychelles were the recipient countries of civil society assistance. This research tests whether donors' civil society assistance is related to the changes in the level of civic participation in the 18 sub-Saharan countries. Firstly, I measure civil society assistance between 2005 and 2009 employing OECD aid statistics, and measure the subsequent change in the level of civic participation by comparing the civic participation level in 2005/6 and 2011/3 using Afrobarometer survey Round Three and Round Five. Then, I investigate whether there is a positive correlation between the two variables. The findings show that the level of civic participation did not change significantly over time. However, further analyses indicate that there is a partially positive correlation between civil society assistance and the change of civic participation. Also, the positive correlation between the assistance and the specific type of civic participation, communing activities, is sustained even when an endogenous factor, the political environment of the countries is hold constant.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-158).

In this paper we show that public opinion variables have predictable effects on the outcomes of the third term bids that have occurred in the post-transition period in Africa. We focus on three public opinion variables that we believe to be critical in explaining variation across these outcomes: popular opposition to authoritarian rule, presidential popularity, and popular trust in the president.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-114). / This literature review is written as a response to Timothy Longman's general suggestion that much of the literature on the "Rwandan genocide of 1994" was based on empirically poor secondary analyses instead of "rigorous" original empirical research. The study was further alerted by Longman's indication that there had been "myths and inaccuracies" circulating in the literature.

Bibliography: leaves 103-110.

Summary in English. / According to President Thabo Mbeki, the fight against corruption is one of the principal tasks of his new government. Corruption is a central concern for a country that is in a difficult political transition and is facing strong economic demands. South Africa needs an effective government. The focus of this paper is one of the areas where corruption is thriving, the South African Police Service (SAPS). I have chosen for a study within the department of Safety and Security because this is the headquarters of the fight against corruption and the place where the rule of law should be rooted most deeply. If the justice-system is corrupt, the whole state will be polluted. According to the Parliamentary researcher for the Safety and Security Committee 'the current level of corruption within the overall criminal justice system is the factor most negatively influencing efforts to substantially improve safety and security in South Africa', undermining both public confidence and crime prevention strategies (Briefing Committee 1999:1). This is one motivation for writing a thesis on this topic: corruption is a central concern for those involved in South African politics. The theme of corruption is also at the heart of political organization. People organize themselves for certain goals. Whatever these goals are, corruption interferes with their effective pursuance. Studying corruption means studying the nature of government and the tension between the way it should use its power and the way it does. It is about the limits of human organization, the tension between the public and the private, and the slippery way people practice their ethics. This is another motivation for writing on this topic: corruption is a central concern for those involved in political science. In South Africa, there are widespread beliefs in the existence of corruption. In a survey published by Idasa in 1996, 46 percent of the respondents felt that most officials were engaged in corruption and only 6 percent believed there was a clean government (Lodge 1998:157). The police certainly does not have a dean reputation. In a newspaper poll over half of the respondents called the police 'corrupt and having no integrity' (Sowetan 28/3/96, quoted in Syed and Bruce 1997:2). Moreover, an opinion survey at the end of 1998 showed that 60 percent of the respondents thought the government was controlling corruption 'not very well' or 'not at all well' (Mail & Guardian 8/10/99:30). In this thesis, I want to put these figures into perspective. The purpose of the thesis is two-folded. Firstly, to provide for an analysis of the historical, political, social and organizational roots of corruption within the SAPS. Secondly, to confront this analysis - and the policy directions it suggests - with the practice of fighting corruption in South Africa.

Bibliography: pages 132-140. / [NOT OCR'D]