Bibliography: p. 232-239. / The years after 1930 witnessed the emergence of the present-day National Party and its eventual victory in the 1948 general election. However, little literature has appeared on the white labour movement, the Labour Party and the trade union activities of the Afrikaner nationalists during the period. The Garment Workers' Union was a Witwatersrand-based trade union with a dominant Afrikaner membership. The thesis examines the Garment Workers' Union's political history between 1930 and 1953. The case study was designed to contribute to an understanding of the Afrikaner worker and the trade union movement.

There have been severe shortcomings in the protection of internally displaced persons (IDPs), and gaps in research with academic and legal focus remaining on refugees instead. These gaps are revealed and correspondingly explored in this thesis through a case study analysis of South Sudan. The main objective of this thesis is to expose the overall protection discrepancies facing IDPs, and the need to re-address international responsibility to protect in cases where national authorities are unable or unwilling to do so. The lack of a clear definition, legal status and institutional framework at an international level is shown to have an adverse impact on protection. The case study of South Sudan is introduced through an overall analysis of key events and displacement trends. Evidence in support of the main argument is presented through an analysis of the injustices and human rights violations facing IDPs in South Sudan. The roles of the two major providers of protection in South Sudan - the national authorities and the international community - are evaluated to ultimately show how a more flexible approach must be adopted by the international community in such cases. Overall, this thesis seeks to bring the displaced in South Sudan to the forefront of the debate about who is responsible for their protection.

Includes abstract Includes bibliographical references (leaves 110-117).

Bibliography: leaves 216-219. / The central task of this dissertation is to explore Michel Foucault's conception of the human subject, and its interaction with power. Foucault offers a unique and controversial description of both the latter. After positing that his work is both coherent and political in nature, the dissertation investigates Foucault's books, lectures, interviews and articles throughout his three main periods. I have named these his Knowledge, Power, and Ethics periods to delineate different theoretical focuses in each period which are nevertheless underscored by a singular and continuous concern on Foucault's part with the constitution of the modern human subject; in addition, Foucault is interested in problematizing the "birth" and existence of this latter construction, which he believes is problematic in terms of the epistemological foundation upon which it rests, and the ontological consequences of such an entity.

Includes bibliographical references. / The seven women who shared their stories of rape at the human rights violation hearings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission ('TRC') in South Africa offer a nascent public record of women's experiences of rape under apartheid. This project is motivated by a desire to examine how these testimonies of rape were affected by explicit and implicit underlying narrative frameworks associated with the language of the TRC, and that of rape. In particular, this project analyses the extent to which the juxtaposition of these two frameworks at the TRC may have either enabled or constrained the seven women's narratives.

Includes bibliographies. / This dissertation seeks to represent, as clearly as it is possible, South Africa's National Party perceptions on United States foreign policy in the 1980s. The primary area of focus is the policy switch from constructive engagement to punitive sanctions in the mid-1980s and the circumstances to which they have given rise. The following is a brief summary and the contents of the dissertation. The dissertation will give a complete and formal statement in chapter two on U.S. foreign policy toward South Africa since approximately World War Two. The dissertation will provide a clear definition and understanding of economic sanctions in chapter three and touch on the current on-going sanctions debate in South Africa. The core of the dissertation is displayed in chapter four which is a presentation the of field data collected from personal interviews with a third of the National Party caucus. This displays the National Party's perceptions on U.S. foreign policy. Following, chapter five presents alternative views to those held by the NP on the same issues discussed in chapter four. The final chapter makes an attempt at some conclusions based on the data presented in the dissertation. This study is important because it maintains that the data and questions presented in this dissertation offer interview material that has been little studied in the past, thus the findings have the virtue of freshness and uniqueness.

Includes bibliographies. / As a feminist exploration of the problematic relationship between Afrikaans women and Afrikaner nationalism, this thesis is primarily concerned with the construction of the social identities of Afrikaans women between 1919 and 1931, the crucial formative years of Afrikaner nationalism. The relationship between women and Afrikaner nationalism is thus addressed by an investigation at the level of intellectual history. The emergence of Afrikaner nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century was accompanied by the articulation of a distinctive gender discourse, the study of which is central to this thesis. Within this discourse, which may be termed the "volksmoeder" discourse, a new identity and new roles were contrived for Afrikaner women. We first investigate the social and historical context in which the discourse was generated and then analyse the "volksmoeder" discourse itself by focusing on texts from Die Boerevrou, a women's magazine launched by Mabel Malherbe in 1919. Rather than taking the Die Boerevrou-texts for granted or seeing them as simple reflections of reality, they are investigated as constructions. The questions of why these particular constructions had appeared in that specific context and what ends they achieved are posed. Rather than simply taking the discursive constructions at face value they are construed as "answers" to certain underlying social and historical issues. On a theoretical level the problem of the construction of gender and ethnic identities is informed by recent work in the field of discourse analysis, while the imagining or invention of nation-communities is discussed with reference to the work of Benedict Anderson, Ernst Gellner, Eric Hobsbawm and Tom Nairn. The investigation of Die Boerevrou-texts as particular articulations of the volksmoeder discourse shows how the social identities of Afrikaans women were socially constructed in the volksmoeder discourse. It suggests that the social subjectivities of Afrikaans women were by no means simple or transparent. In the texts of Die Boerevrou it becomes clear that even while being shaped by Afrikaner nationalism, women themselves were active in the shaping of Afrikaner nationalism. While they were constituted as subjects in the anti-feminist discourse of Afrikaner nationalism, they remained mobile within this discourse: always negotiating, planning, creating and articulating new identities and roles for themselves. The image of women as passive victims of a male Afrikaner discourses is thus denied. However, it is asserted that the volksmoeder discourse as a gender discourse can and should be severely criticised from a feminist perspective.

This thesis reconsiders the theoretical and conceptual parameters of unrecognised entities and de facto independent territories which endure non-recognition and lack formal sovereignty in international law. These entities are traditionally assumed to represent “unrecognised states” and “de facto states” which endure in the international and interstate systems despite lacking legal recognition of their sovereignty. The following study examines anomalous conceptual features emerging from definitions, theories, frameworks, and discourses which situate these territorial entities alongside sovereign states in the international system. It challenges the equivalence with statehood which currently dominates mainstream thinking and assesses whether the concept of secession is still the most appropriate explanatory and causal dynamic in the emergence of unrecognised entities. The study engages with problematic areas of theoretical and conceptual discourse applied to unrecognised state-like entities. It examines how the case of Iraqi Kurdistan (as a de facto independent entity in the international system) deviates from long-standing assumptions on “unrecognised statehood” and existing conceptual frameworks designed for entities in different regional contexts. The discussion questions the appropriateness of using the unitary state as a theoretical reference point through which to understand ambiguous political systems of this type. The political and theoretical spaces occupied by these entities are examined not only in terms of international relations theory but also critical thinking on the production of power, ideology, and sovereignty. The discussion induces tensions into debates surrounding unrecognised states by arguing that it is inherently difficult to advance inquiry into unrecognised entities from a point of departure on sovereignty which is already embedded in state-centrism. The discussion examines how existing frameworks and approaches are open to critical revision and how the generalised assumptions of a small body of literature continue to circumscribe debates over unrecognised entities in academic analysis. The study frames the issue of de facto independent territories against a critical examination of approaches to sovereignty, secession, and the state. It also proposes an examination of these anomalous entities as Paretian systems – a theoretical perspective as yet unexplored within the field of study.

Human rights are increasingly recognised as part of international law and politics, but they at times conflict with principles of state sovereignty and non-intervention. This thesis examines the conflict that exists between the order provided by states and various aspirations for justice as expressed in cases of international judicial interventions. It argues that a shift has taken place in international relations from a predominantly state-centric view of international law towards an increased recognition of principles of individual justice. The overarching theoretical and analytical framework of this thesis is based on the English School of International Relations and its pluralist and solidarist approaches to the conflict between order and justice. Pluralism emphasises order over justice whereas solidarism looks at ways of overcoming the conflict by recognising the mutual interdependence of order and justice. The framework chosen also integrates a constructivist approach and the ‘norm life cycle’ to explain how norms emerge and are internalised in international society. Through close textual analysis, this thesis examines four case studies as concrete expressions of the order and justice conflict: Pinochet and the House of Lords; the Congo versus Belgium at the ICJ; the establishment of the ad hoc war crimes tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia; and the creation of the International Criminal Court. It is argued that these cases reflect different stages of the norm life cycle and demonstrate normative developments that lead to changes in the rules of international society. The cases illustrate both acceptance as well as resistance to such developments which suggests that norm development is not a neat progression but rather a dynamic process. The overall argument of the thesis is that a development has taken place in international relations towards increased recognition and internalisation of human rights and their enforcement in the international order. This can be seen as a starting point for the creation of a more ‘just’ order.

Canada’s foreign intelligence community as a whole has not received significant attention by the government and the public, and as a result it is still largely arranged to deal with the Cold War-era rather than the challenges of the 21st century. This thesis examines the issue by assessing Canada’s current foreign intelligence community regarding intelligence collection, analysis, and accountability. It argues that the structure of Canada’s foreign intelligence analysis is relatively disorganized and that a new foreign intelligence analysis organization would improve overall effectiveness, as well as potentially solve many issues the community faces. Canada’s lack of a dedicated foreign human intelligence agency is also addressed, but this thesis argues that before such an initiative could be feasible, let alone needed, it must first be supported by greater oversight and accountability measures alongside a better-organized intelligence analysis and assessment capability.