This study deals with the development of political communication in Nigeria, from the colonial, independence and post-colonial periods. Also background information is given on the political communication systems in the precolonial period. It is argued that the patterns of pre-colonial systems still persist, particulary in the rural areas of Nigeria. Hence, the thesis undertakes to examine in detail, the political communication relationships between 'two separate but relatively autonomous environments in Nigeria with particular reference to the 1983 general elections. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first is a historical theoretical and methodological - analysis of politics and communication in Nigeria and the second a specific study of the 1983 general elections. The first chapter analyses the classical conceptions of political development and the development of political communication. The classical models are discussed and defined in three main stages: traditional, transitional, and modern nation-state. Chapter Two examines the pclitical communication trends that have led to the assumption that modern communication systems are all powerful politically. This leads to my analysis, criticisms and rejeciton of the linear model of communication development. Following my rejection, of the linear model, I suggested a theoretical and methodological framework for this study. Chapter Three looks at the structure of political and communication systems in the precolonial Nigeria. Kinship and religion are established as the mechanisms of sociopolitical and economic relationships in the pre-colonial period. Chapter Four centres on the impact of colonial administration on the precolonial institutions and the development of party politics, Christian religion and western education. Chapters Five and Six analyse the development of mass media and their relationship to different groups. Chapter Seven critically evaluates the political role of mass media as factors that influence electorates' political opinion. Part two presents an empirical analysis of the 1983 general elections with particular reference to Imo State. Under it, Chapter Eight sets out the method of the research. Major problems encountered in the fieldwork and how they were solved are stated. Chapters Nine, Ten, Eleven and Twelve establish the characteristics and attributes of five groups of participants, their membership of voluntary organisations, their political participation and relationship to channels of communication respectively. In Chapter Thirteen political issues are discussed in relation to voters' views. Ln Chapter Fourteens the relationship between the mass media, political personalities and issues are examined. Finally Chapter Fifteen attempts to assess the role and direction of political communication development in Nigeria today - Some suggestions are made as regards to the most useful approach to political communication in Nigeria.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 204-226).

In order for computerised information systems (CIS) to be utilised to their full potential they must first be successfully implemented. The acquisition and implementation process continues to be an area which is reported by the media to present problems for both public and private sector organisations (Keen, 1994; Collins, 1996). The process was originally considered to be a technical process only, but more recently there has been acknowledgement that there are human implications. The process of acquisition and implementation of CIS in the NHS has, therefore, been studied in order to identify the barriers which might be present. The research commenced by conducting a comprehensive literature search which showed some of the barriers found by previous researchers. A number of theories were examined which it was thought would be helpful in approaching the subject. A change model was then identified (MIT9Os, Scott Morton, 1991) which was used to structure the study and as an aid to analysis. The model would be examined for its utility as a change model in the NHS setting. The research used both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection. A macro view of the process was initially sought because this approach is seldom taken (Kwon & Zmud, 1987). The major part of the research consisted of 4 case studies and 2 survey questionnaires. One survey questionnaire was sent to IT/IS directors and managers about the process. It was sent to eight NHS Regions (359 questionnaires) and a response rate of 51.5% was attained. An additional questionnaire was sent out to human resource directors in the NHS. This was sent to 400 directors and the response rate was 48%. The study identified a number of barriers to implementation in different elements of the organisation, one of the most important barriers being related to politics/power. It was found that the reasons for acquiring new systems are not always articulated, and if these are not in the interests of powerful stakeholder groups, then implementation may be more difficult. Labour process theory was helpful in examining this aspect (Dent, 1996). Results show that existing models are inappropriate for the majority of CIS implementations. The MIT9Os Model (Scott Morton, 1991) was adapted, adding the element of politics/power, together with money and time as major constraining factors. The element of strategy was given a more prominent position, to indicate a pivotal role and it is argued that the model should not be an equilibrium model because of the constant change necessaiy in the modern business environment. The previous model was expanded to show some of the important issues and questions which need to be addressed by those approaching implementation. However, the research showed that the complexity of the process precluded any simple prescriptive answers to implementation problems being given. Models are little used by practitioners, but if they are used they need to carry a warning note that they are only an aid to preliminary thought, and much other background reading and analysis of the particular situation needs to accompany them.

1 Abstract The thesis emphasizes music and politics, discussing how musicians and their music become a factor in political discourse. As a powerful media, music can be involved in politics and used by politics. The thesis has categorized several ways of musicians and their music become a factor in the politics and also has listed special examples. According to dimensions of human interests, politics of power, politics of money and politics of behavior can be the three main intentions of music getting involved in politics. Musicians and politicians though have many intentions to let the music get connected to politics, the thesis finally reaches the conclusion that they are all for the result of the collective action of the people to achieve higher mutual interests. Keywords Music, Politics, Political Communication, Collective Action, Human Interest

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 capas.pdf: 37107 bytes, checksum: a0a1665ec9a03a54ec120decf3896a59 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-04-23 / Which had been the politics of promotion to the communitarian communication, developed in the municipal managements of 2001 the 2004 and in years 2005 and 2006, of the Brazilian capitals? From theoretical reflections on incommunication, democracy, development, communitarian communication, social transformation and public politics of communication, the panorama of the local politics of promotion to the communitarian communication in Brazil is described. However, it s necessary to verify in what conditions the promotion to communitarian communication is possible. Thus, this research intends to analyze politico-social, material, ideological and institutional-methodology conditions of the public politics of communication of the city halls of Fortaleza (CE), João Pessoa (PB), Macapá (AP), Porto Alegre (RS) and Recife (PE) in course in 2007. It was opted to the study of multiple cases, in order to verify which the possible responses are. As sources of evidences, the existing documentation on these experiences and interviews were used. Such multiplicity was necessary once the triangulation was the form of analysis of data chosen. Finally, one concludes that politics of promotion to the communitarian communication start to be developed in municipal scope, but still of incipient form and little articulated. / Quais foram as políticas de fomento à comunicação comunitária, desenvolvidas nas gestões municipais de 2001 a 2004 e nos anos 2005 e 2006, das capitais brasileiras? A partir de reflexões teóricas sobre incomunicação, democracia, desenvolvimento, comunicação comunitária, transformação social e políticas públicas de comunicação, é descrito o panorama das políticas locais de fomento à comunicação comunitária no Brasil. Contudo, é preciso verificar em que condições o fomento à comunicação comunitária é possível. Assim, essa pesquisa objetiva analisar os condicionantes políticos-sociais, materiais, ideológicos e institucionais-metodológicos das políticas locais de comunicação das prefeituras de Fortaleza (CE), João Pessoa (PB), Macapá (AP), Porto Alegre (RS) e Recife (PE) em execução em 2007. Optou-se pelo estudo de casos múltiplos, a fim de verificar quais são as replicações possíveis. Como fontes de evidências, foram utilizadas a documentação existente sobre essas experiências e entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Tal multiplicidade se fez necessária uma vez que a triangulação foi a forma de análise de dados escolhida. Por fim, conclui-se que políticas de fomento à comunicação comunitária começam a ser implantadas em âmbito municipal, mas ainda de forma incipiente e pouco articuladas.

The diploma thesis deals with the personality of Robert Maxwell, his biography, his taking effect on the British media and political scene. The thesis follows also Maxwell's book distribution, founding its first publishing house and several newspapers which he owned. The thesis contains information not only about the Robert Maxwell's personality but also about the historical context his times in Great Britain and focuses on the historical aspect of the media field, business and politics.

This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.