From the outset, Northern Ontario has existed as an exploited natural resource region, vulnerable to the vicissitudes of a "boom and bust" verity. This has had profound effects on its ensuing political patterns and political processes. This thesis describes how and why the politics of Northern Ontario are different. This thesis demonstrates that the politics of Northern Ontario, unlike Southern Ontario, are distinguished by disaffection, dependency, domination, pragmatism, and parochialism. This thesis also argues that the North's divergent development and natural resource based economy, as well as pernicious provincial government policies and extensive interventions, provoked the differences apparent in its politics. These differences are evinced in the North's disparate political culture, political priorities, and political structure. Furthermore, this thesis confirms that Northern Ontario politics feature a low level of political efficacy which is primarily the result of its "centre-periphery" connection with Southern Ontario.

This study is a comparative analysis of the survival strategies of two regimes: Jordan's King Hussein and Lebanon's Fu'ad Shihab. It is an exploration of the domestic determinants of foreign policy behaviour, and the relation between foreign policy behaviour and regime consolidation, legitimation, and survival in small, weak state actors located in a permeable regional system. The study advances an hypothesis of four explanatory variables to explain the success and failure of Hussein and Shihab's respective strategies. Husseinism's 'success'--as opposed to Shihabism's 'failure'--may be explained by a successful insulatory regional policy, the historical process of state formation, the availability of economic resources under state control, and the ability of the state to use its coercive resources without hindrance. This enabled the Hashemite regime to restructure state-society relations to consolidate social control, mitigate the effects of trans-national ideologies on the domestic arena, and achieve an acceptable level of national integration among the different segments of the society gaining the state allegiance from a sizeable number, or from strategic sectors, of the population.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

The subject of the thesis is that of the transformation of the Roman empire in the third and fourth centuries. The starting date in the title reflects a belief that the impetus for this change was generated by the decree of the emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus (Caracalla), whereby all free subjects were made citizens in AD 212. This laid the foundations for the transformation of the Roman empire, centred on the city of Rome, into a Roman nation-state, with a government dissociated from that of the City. The study is divided into three parts. Part One is an examination of the impact of the Constitutio Antoniniana. It is argued that both the extent and nature of this impact can be measured by an examination of the changes that Roman naming practices underwent in the subsequent period, and that the new naming practices of the later third century onwards reflect the creation of a new basis for the social hierarchy. Part two analyses the development of the praetorian prefecture, an office which is recognised to be one of the key institutions of the late Roman state. It traces the change in the nature of the office from one of personal service to the emperor to its later fourth-century incarnation as virtual viceroy for civil affairs over discreet portions of the empire. This is followed by a prosopographical catalogue of the prefects from 284-344, and appendices laying out the documentary evidence for the analysis. In Part Three an analysis of the holders of the ordinary consulship from 260 to 360 is undertaken. This begins with a prosopographical catalogue, in which the consuls are classified as to social origin and occupation. These results are analysed statistically in order to elucidate the relationship between the magistrates of the city of Rome and the imperial administration, concluding that there was a symbolic divorce between the two during the reign of Constantine. Appendix 3 provides revised fasti for the consulship 260-360. The Conclusion draws together the findings of these three studies to show their implications for our interpretation of the nature of the late Roman state.

No description available.

Peru has long had to contend with a lack of national and political integration. Yet its APRA party is the oldest mass-based reformist party in the region, and its mission has historically been to integrate the nation. The APRA, since its inception, aroused more political hostility than any other force in Peru, and consequently was repressed, even outlawed, for decades. Years of repression and clandestinity contributed to a lack of doctrinal clarity and undemocratic tendencies within the party, which were to affect its capacity to govern. The nature of the party, and the difficulty of its task, are the subject of this thesis. Despite the existence of democratic institutions, large sectors of the population exist outside of formal legal, political, and economic systems; there is a gap between state and society. Successful democratic reform would incorporate these marginalized sectors. When the APRA came to power in 1985, it proposed to do so by focusing on the needs of the poorest. Expectations were high for the new government, in part because of its popular young leader, Alan Garcia, and in part because a decade of economic and social crisis had discredited both the military and the right as alternatives, resulting in unprecedented consensus for reform. Once it attained power, the APRA managed, for the first two years, to maintain support that was unique to reformist efforts in Peru. A sudden shift in strategy to confrontational rhetoric and authoritarian tactics destroyed the fragile consensus necessary for democratic reform. The politics of reform became the politics of polarization: a "winner take all" style debate in which cooperation and compromise were impossible. The outcome was policy stagnation, a surge of reaction from extremes of the left and the right, and severe strain on the political system. The APRA party, rather than playing the role of the strong centre acted as a catalyst to the polarization process. In large part due to decades of sectarian and authoritarian strains that the party's 1980's renovation had not eliminated, it was virtually powerless in the face of increasingly erratic behaviour on the part of its leader. This thesis examines the evolution of the APRA from the time of the 1968 military "revolution" through the party's first three years in power. It explores the formulation and initial success of the consensus it built, the reasons for its breakdown, and the fate of the poor during that process. The difficult context in which the party had to operate will also be addressed. Finally, it attempts to contribute to the understanding of the challenges faced by reformers in Peru in particular and more generally by developing democracies.

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy