A large majority of the members of the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan belong to one or other of its factions, the bodies which dominate the party today. In 1987, when the fieldwork for this study was carried out, there were five factions in number. This thesis examines and analyzes the contemporary structural organization and membership of one of them, the Miki/K5moto faction, after presenting a systematic account of its history. This political grouping was investigated from the inside; as an observer, the writer was able to acquire material through direct interaction with members of the faction in their daily routine. Including the introduction and conclusion, eight chapters make up this thesis. Two of them are devoted to the history of the faction, which is chronicled by taking the career of Miki Takeo, the founder, as the central theme. One chapter is concerned with the organization of the faction, and the roles and functions of the members. The relationships among faction members and their connections with outside individuals and groups are the subjects of scrutiny for the fifth and sixth chapters respectively. Chapter seven, on finance, investigates the methods by which the faction as a group and single members of it raise and distribute money. Some of the conclusions drawn in the thesis are specific to the faction; others relate to the wider phenomenon of factionalism inside the party.

The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.

No description available.

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141 leaves. Adviser: David J. Finlay. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call numbers: KNIGHT DT551.8 .W6; and: SCA Archiv Storage Theses W8387. / Adviser: David J. Finlay

This thesis considers the position of the Athenian metic in the fifth and fourth centuries B. C. Chapter I, the Introduction, sets the limits of the study. In Chapter II the status of the resident alien is shown to have been no accident, hut a conscious creation, well-defined within the Kleisthenic democracy. While the rights of the metic appear superficially analogous to those of the citizen, in fact they differed in five essentials: 1) the metic was not independent but required a "patron" or prostates; 2) he paid an annual tax, the metoikion; 3) he had no political rights; 4) he could not marry an Athenian citizen; and 5) he was forbidden to own real property, either land or houses. Chapter III tests the validity of the antithesis between the citizen or homo politicus and the non-citizen or homo economicus. The economic pursuits of both metic and citizen are outlined, and it is thus seen that the metic's rôle in the Athenian economy was not casual but fundamental: he monopolized banking and trade and was predominant in industry. By contrast the citizen's activities were those based on his ownership of land. Because of this division, land, industry, and commerce never became permanently interrelated and Athens' economy remained inherently weak. Indispensable as the metic was to Athens, Chapter IV points out that he never overcame the citizen's jealous hold on the right to citizenship. In fact, a very high penalty was set for the usurpation of this privilege. The naturalization of the metic was rare even in the fourth century, when the demos lavished every kind of honour on foreign kings and dignitaries whose patronage it sought. Chapter V concludes that, although the metic was responsible for Athens' economic superiority and, indeed, for much of her cultural heritage, his contributions have been underestimated, if not ignored. As a result, our picture of Athenian life is one-sided. A discussion of two historical problems that concern the metic and a chronological table are appended. / Arts, Faculty of / Classical, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, Department of / Graduate

Cyprus, a small island in the eastern Mediterranean which, since the beginning of recorded history, had always been dominated by a foreign power, obtained its independence in August, 1960. At that time it ceased to be a part of the British Empire and became a member of the Commonwealth. Great Britain, the last power to control the island, obtained it in 1878, as a base from which to check Russian expansion into the Near East. From 1878 until 1914 the island was held on a temporary basis from Turkey. After that date, when the two powers became involved as enemies at war, Britain annexed the island. In 1925, Cyprus became a Crown Colony. During the period of British administration many changes in all aspects of Cypriot life occurred. Economic and social progress until after the Second War was slow but continuous. The greatest changes were to be found in the areas of public works and communications, water development, agriculture and the elimination of rural indebtedness, forestry, trade and commerce, education, health, and government administration and finance. From 1946 until 1959, Cyprus, like other British colonies, benefited from the Colonial Development Programmes and other plans, during which time large sums of money were expended to accelerate the island's economic and social advancement. By 1959 the standards of economic and social life, in Cyprus were comparable to, if not better than, any in that area of the world. A most important force which operated throughout the whole period was Enosis, the desire of the Greek Cypriots to join with Greece. Requests and manifestations for Enosis occurred continually during the British administration. The leaders were the ecclesiasts of the Orthodox Church who assumed social and political, as well as religious authority and leadership. The first violent manifestation against British rule occurred in 1931. No further outbreaks occurred until 1956, from which time violence continued incessantly until the final truce. During the last four years of the period the organization known as EOKA, organized and directed by Archbishop Makarios and Colonel Grivas, conducted a campaign of resistance and terrorism against all aspects of British rule, in an attempt to obtain Enosis. The result was four years of communal strife and civil chaos. The Turkish inhabitants, who formed almost twenty-percent of the island's population, opposed every attempt on the part of the Greeks to achieve Enosis. The Turkish Cypriot policy hardened into one of adamant resistance, stating that Britain must either maintain the status quo or return the island to Turkey. Cyprus was governed under a Constitution promulgated in 1882, which was withdrawn in 1931 due to the outbreak of violence, and then replaced by the autocratic rule of the Governor and his Council. The Constitution was resented by many because of its very limited nature. The lack of any real political, responsibility for the Cypriots was another reason for their dissatisfaction with the British regime. From 1946 until 1959 constitutional offers and counter offers were put forth by the British and the Cypriots in an attempt to arrive at a solution. None of these offers was able to provide a compromise solution which would be satisfactory to the British, Cypriots, Greeks, and Turks, The British emphasized the strategic necessity of maintaining Cyprus; the Greeks and Greek Cypriots the desire for self-determination, as expressed constantly through the United Nations; and the Turks the necessity either to maintain the status quo, or to partition the island. It seems evident that only the prospect of continued violence and stalemate led all the powers concerned to come together at the end of 1958 and the beginning of 1959 and work out a compromise solution which became the basis of the Constitution. In viewing the many conflicting factors involved, It seems that the only possible type of agreement was one based on compromise. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The period under consideration is divided into four chapters. I. The Serbian Situation During the Nineteenth Century. II. The Reign of Alexander Obrenovic. III. The Aftermath of the Revolution; and IV. Concluding Reflections. The chapters are interrelated topically and chronologically. Thus the first chapter starts in the year 1900 with a brief review of the events which preceded it. The topic connecting the chapters is the relations of Serbia with the major Powers with especially that of Russia and Austria. The interest of these two powers clashed, but nowhere was their conflict so apparent as in their desires for control of independent Serbia. That small country not only survived as a political and ethnic entity but gathered her kinsmen into a larger political unit--Yugoslavia. The success of Serbia in her struggle for political and economic emancipation was in the opinion of this writer due to two principal factors--Serbian nationalism and Russian opposition to Austrian schemes for Serbian subjugation. In the chapter: The Aftermath of the Revolution, particular emphasis was laid on the Serbian role as a unifying nucleus for South-Slavs. In the last chapter under the title Concluding Reflections, the feud between Imperial Austria-Hungary and Serbia is shown as a struggle not only between two different states, but of two different ideologies. The nationalist democratic spirit of Serbia as against the aristocratic and feudalistic thought of Austria-Hungary. / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate

Prior, to I945, neither the majority of British nor Africans were convinced that Western parliamentary forms of government could be transferred successfully to Nigeria. Generally it was considered that the Nigerian society would evolve from traditional forms of organization to something typically African which would prepare Africans for their eventual full participation in the world society. After 1945 under the stimulation of nationalism this concept of evolvement was completely abandoned in favour of complete adoption of Western institutions. It is to be expected that after independence the conservative forces of African traditionalism will revive and that a painful process of modification of Western institutions will begin. It would seem however, that modifications are not likely to be too fundamental if one can judge by the success with which Nigerians have handled these institutions and by the material advantages which political leaders have been able to bring to the people through them. The thesis is divided into three chapters. Chapter one is a condensation of much research. It is intended to provide the background to the main body of the work. It describes the tribal, religious and economic differences in Nigeria which have been forces in Nigerian politics since 1920. It discusses the African reaction to the British penetration of the interior after I885. It briefly outlines the British sponsored economic development which resulted in greater urbanization and the growth of an educated middle class which was the author and supporter of the movement to turn from traditional African forms to Western institutions. With little detail the chapter points out the mixing of various tribes in this new class and the complications which resulted. The Ibo tribe has been used as an example. It shows how this educated class maintained its contact and influence with the people of the villages by means of tribal associations which ultimately became the most significant carriers and popularizers of Western political thought. The chapter ends showing the various ideas which this class were absorbing and the effect which the doctrine of trusteeship, the Commonwealth, the British Labour Government, the United Nations and Indian independence had on them. Chapter two traces the demand for parliamentary institutions and attempts to show how the British constructively began to abdicate their power. Some of the early expressions of this demand are indicated for the period from 1885 to 1920. In the year 1920, the first political movement was organized. It was a West African Movement embracing all four British West African colonies; Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and the Gambia. By 1922 this movement had collapsed but successors to it grew in each colony. In Nigeria, from 1922 to 1938 political activity was confined to Lagos. From 1938 to 1945 Lagos politicians were spreading their organizations and ideas throughout the hinterland. At the close of the Second World War an almost country wide agitation began to unite the people to press the British to set up government institutions modelled after those of the United Kingdom. By 1951 this had been done and the elective principle had been widely applied. Thus the first stage of the struggle was over. By 1951 Nigerians were convinced that the British were determined to leave the country as soon as a workable constitution was in force. Chapter two ends at this point where African energies are turned from concentrating on persuading the British to leave and chapter three begins where these energies are being devoted to working out the problems of adjustment in the government machinery to suit the Nigerian situation. Chapter three deals with the divisive forces within the country, which began to show once the unified opposition to the British was no longer necessary. The National Congress of Nigeria and the Cameroons which had led the national front against the British began to decline and break up. Regional parties based largely on local loyalties began to emerge. The elections of 1951 indicated how far this trend towards regionalisation had actually gone. Federalism appeared to hold the answer to Nigerian unity, but while it may have been the only expedient open to the Nigerians, many saw in regionalisation the sure breakup of the country. The conflict between the regionalists and closer unionists came to a climax in the Kano Disturbances of 1953. Following this, in 1954 a constitution was drawn up in which the federal principle was fully acknowledged by all parties. By 1954 the broad outlines of the constitutional pattern had emerged. Nigeria was to be a federal state. However, the final form had not by any means been settled. The constitution of I954 was based on the assumption that Nigeria was a land of three dominant tribes; the Ibos, the Yorubas, and the Hausas. Even before 1954 and increasingly after, the minor ethnic groups began to press for separate states to free them from the partly imaginary fear of major tribe domination. Nigeria is quite certain to emerge as a major African power because of its population, area and natural resources. It is likely to be an influential power because of its semi-Moslem and semi-Christian character. It straddles that line in Africa which divides the Moslem North from the Christian-influenced South. Such a position and character will give it influence, north as well as south of the Sahara. Nigeria's constitutional development is unique in that it is the first federal state to emerge in Africa. Because Nigeria is possibly the most polygot tribal nation in Africa its solution to the tribal problem will make a profound impression upon other African leaders. Actually, little has been written on the topic of Africa's evolution towards modern nation-states. This thesis attempts to contribute to that neglected area of study. It is also an attempt to see this process of evolution from an unbiased Nigerian point of view. This point of view will be indicated by the large amount of source material which is strictly Nigerian in its origin. African sources have as far as possible been relied upon. Much of the source material has as far as can be ascertained, never before been used. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Both historically and geographically Western Australia has been separated from the rest of the Australian continent. Sixteen hundred miles of desert intervene between the settled south western tip of the continent and the main concentration of Australian population in the southeast. Partly owing to this geographic isolation, the Swan River colony (founded in 1829) passed the first sixty years of its existence with very little intercourse with the more flourishing eastern Australian colonies. It was not until the goldrush of the 1890’s that the eastern Australians began to display an interest in the far west. The presence of large numbers of these "T'othersiders" in the Western Australian goldfields played an important part in securing the colony's entrance into the new Australian Commonwealth which came into existence on January 1, 1901, The old settlers and the leaders of the colony's responsible government were none too eager to accept the terms of federation, maintaining that, under the proposed constitution, the new states would not have sufficient sources of revenue to meet their obligations, but their objections were over-ruled by the unanimous pro-federation sentiment of the diggers. From the first Western Australia's peculiar position — a state with a small population and a large, undeveloped area ... resulted in special financial concessions being granted to her. Such concessions mitigated, but did not completely obliterate, the separatist tendencies of the western state. In 1906 a motion was introduced into the state parliament favouring secession from the federal union but nothing came of it. The War-induced encroachment of the federal government on taxation fields which had formerly been state preserves intensified the irritation felt by state leaders toward the ever-increasing powers of the Commonwealth government. Such sentiments were mirrored in newspaper articles expounding the theory that the federal bond was preventing Western Australia from realizing her full potentialities. The reports of a number of federally-appointed boards in the 1920's indicate that, even during these prosperous years, secessionist sentiments were held by a sizeable portion of the state's inhabitants. Nevertheless, it was not until the depression fell, with a particularly severe impact on primary-producing Western Australia, that secessionism became the dominant factor in the state's politics. The cause of secession was adopted by the state administration, partly from a desire to use it as a means of exacting a more generous financial arrangement from the Commonwealth government. A referendum on the question of secession was held concurrently with the state elections in April, 1933.Although the state's electorate repudiated the parties sponsoring secession they recorded a two-to-one majority in favour of the state seceding from the Australian Commonwealth and becoming a self-governing Dominion. The newly elected Labour government redeemed their election pledge to attempt to give effect to the people's mandate, as expressed in the referendum results, by sending petitions to the British parliament requesting the passage of legislation which would release the state from the Australian Commonwealth. A joint committee of both houses, appointed to investigate the constitutional propriety of receiving the state's petition, reported that such a request could be entertained only if it came from the federal parliament. Following this rebuff from the British parliament the secessionist movement withered and died, leaving behind a better system of deciding on state grants in Australia, and a noteworthy decision defining the relationship of the state and federal governments with the British parliament in the ever evolving British Commonwealth. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate