The purpose of this thesis is to study the dynamics of two successive military coups in Burma and Peru. Both of these nations have had a military coup, which was subsequently, after a relatively short period of civilian rule, followed by another coup. All four of these coups have had some impact on the civil bureaucracy, yet in both cases the impact after the second coup was much more pervasive. The question that the thesis is concerned with answering is why did the impact on the bureaucracy change as it did the second time around. The answer lies in the military's dissatisfaction with the civil bureaucracy after the 2nd coups. This dissatisfaction resulted from the following three factors: (1) changes in the goals and purposes of the second coups; (2) changes in military personnel between the first and second coups; (3) experiences of military between coups. (a) Both of the first two coups were carried out for restricted goals and purposes. Consequently, the military had little opportunity or need to extensively concern itself with the civilian bureaucracy. For their less ambitious goals the bureaucracy was quite suitable. The second time around, both military coups occurred under quite different circumstances and for different goals and purposes. Contrary to the static orientation of the first coups, the second ones were carried out for the purpose of moving the nation to a more progressive condition and due to the inability of civilian groups to achieve this goal. The civil bureaucracy had serious weaknesses which did not allow it to meet the military's governing needs and the military carried out extensive actions to rectify this. (b) Younger and more radical officers tended to displace the older and more conservative officers in the second coup, whereas the latter dominated the first coup in both countries. These younger officers more rural and of different social origins from the older officers, tended to be much more hostile to the urban middle civil servants. (c) Some experiences between the coups exacerbated the officers' hostility toward the bureaucracy. That is, in one case betrayal by civil servants of military's programs initiated during the first coup, in the other case having to step into an administrative void in rural areas which the military attributed to a weak and inefficient civil service. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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The aspects of mid-nineteenth-century Canadian history which have received the fullest examination are the Rebellions of 1837, the Union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1841, the winning of Responsible Government in 1847-48, and Confederation in 1864-67. To a large extent these have been studies in imperial relations and the character of internal politics has received less attention. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the political system which evolved in Upper Canada after 1848 from the vantage point of the six general elections between 1848 and 1863. (The Legislative Council was made elective in 1856, but there was little interest taken in it or its elections and this study is concerned only with elections to the Legislative Assembly.) The thesis attempts to discover the internal wordings of politics in Upper Canada: the issues which aroused the most interest in the elections, the parties and their organizations, the electorate and the system of representation, and the various forces, both legitimate and corrupt which were used to influence the voters. In some instances there has been an attempt to arrive at quantitative or definitive conclusions, but in most cases this was neither desirable or possible. Instead, specific examples hove been used to give e general picture of how the political and electoral systems operated.

This thesis is a comparative study of the central government administration in Guinea and Senegal in the light of the contrasting political systems said to operate in the two states since independence. Guinea and Senegal became independent in 1958 and 1960 respectively and according to existing studies of both states, they have developed contrasting political systems. However, until they became independent, both states were French colonies and were administered under a common administrative system established by the French rulers. On the basis of the existing studies of the two states' political systems which are reviewed in the Introduction, it is postulated that in Senegal, the central government administration would represent an apparent evolution out of the French colonial administration modified and adapted to suit the goals of the government but in accordance with the basic ideas and principles that underlay the French colonial administration. With Guinea, on the other hand, given the way in which independence was achieved, the stated ideology and the goals of the government and the emphasis in academic studies on the party both as a policy making and, in some cases, as an administrative institution, it might be expected that past colonial experience would have a minimal influence and that the central government administration would have markedly different characteristics; and thus, that this central government administration would present significant contrasts to that in Senegal. The central concern of the thesis is to investigate this general proposition.

Although the Catalan Question dominated Spanish politics between 1901 and 1923, and the Lliga, considered the first modern political party in Spain, played a prominent role in those debates, little literature exists on this movement's overall political complexities. The Lliga has often been considered simplistically: as the party of the Catalan bourgeoisie that failed to protect its class interest by democratic means, as a conservative party which failed to achieve a nationalist aim, or as a nationalist party that failed to impose itself on Spanish politics. But the Lliga was none of these. It was a movement with a coherent ideology: regionalism. The Lliga sought to restore Catalonia by winning the region autonomy from the central state, and then to use Catalonia as a springboard to regenerate all of Spain. What distinguished this political party was precisely this double goal. This thesis presents the Lliga in the way it saw itself and its contemporaries saw it, within the context of Catalan and Spanish politics, and probes the causes of its failure. This thesis examines perceptions of the movement - both from within and without - to determine the reasons for its failure to achieve concord in Spain, despite (or because of) the enormous success it had in pressing forward its agenda in Catalonia and influencing the course of Spanish politics. The very success of the movement opened the way for its ultimate downfall. The thesis investigates the vocabulary, logistics, and motivations of the Lliga's program and the political mobilization in favor of and opposed to the Regionalists. The Lliga's program grew from nineteenth-century political theory, but it was the work of a particular group of young men who provided the transition to a substantial political movement. Their own motivations are considered.

This study examines the development of Peruvian politics and government from 1962 to 1985. It describes the programs and policies of the interim military junta (1962-63), the Velasco (1968-75) and Morales Bermudez (1975-80) phases of the Armed Forces Revolution, and the two Belaunde administrations (1963-68, 80-85) and posits a basic commonality of goals and continuity of reforms despite differences in policy orientation and emphasis. The study begins with a contextual discussion of the ideological underpinnings of contemporary Peruvian political reform, establishing linkages to the revolutionary thought of Gonzalez Prada, Mariategui, and Haya de la Torre, as well as to the more moderate reformist positions of Víctor Andres Belaunde, Bustamante y Rivero, and Basadre. Continuing with an in-depth historical analysis of the period under study, the contextual discussion demonstrates the underlying continuities of political reform in the programs and goals of the several regimes. The focus of the study then shifts to an analysis of the reformist and democratic evolution of the Peruvian polity. It analyzes the central government's budgets according to administrative, social, and economic categories. The analysis demonstrates all the governments since 1962 pursued generally common reformist policies and none reversed the progressive trend set. An analysis of Peruvian foreign policy reorientations vis-a-vis the United States, the Socialist bloc, and the Third World shows that the progressive changes and reforms begun under one administration continued to evolve and crystalize under the policies of succeeding governments. The point is highlighted by an analysis of Peru's voting pattern in the United Nations General Assembly, where divergence with U.S. policy became greater with each change in government after 1963. Finally, in looking to overall political development as political modernization and institutionalization, the analysis shows that Peru has undergone progressive and incremental changes heightening political awareness and participation and thus strengthening its potential for political democracy and social development. Each government since 1962 made substantial, if varying, contributions to the increase of political legitimacy and stability within the polity. In sum, a continuum of political development prevailed.