In this year of 1948 we see for the first time the economic and political union of several nations of Western Europe. Doubtless they have united in the face of a common danger: communism; but many men of good will hope that this union inspired by fear will survive that fear and become the germ of a true world society. One of these nations, France, has already contributed freely to this idea, the idea of a united Europe. Many of her most eminent contemporary writers have dedicated a considerable portion of the work, a great deal of their thought, to this problem. These French intellectuals of the 1920's and 1930's proposed a variety of ways of accomplishing this vital synthesis, all of their discussions reflecting the new and keen awareness that European civilization has suddenly become extremely mortal. A surprising number of French writers not only realized, well before Munich, that the League of Nations was a house of cards, but sought the catalyst that would permit the nations of Europe, at once the glory and the curse of the world, to fuse otherwise than in the furnace of war. It is the purpose of this thesis to note the views of this subject of several brilliant minds, especially those of Valery, Benda, Larbaud, Durtain and Giraudoux. The examination will be necessarily superficial, but, it is hoped, complete enough to indicate the diversity of opinion and, more important, the unanimity of a very lively concern. / Arts, Faculty of / French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of / Graduate

No abstract included. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

No abstract included. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

No abstract included. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The specific objective of this thesis is to examine the causes of agitation for the establishment of one province to encompass the three existing provinces of Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba, or the Prairie region. Regional studies are hampered by the somewhat elusive meaning of 'region’. It is argued here, however, that the Prairies constitute a distinctive region of Canada, and such argument can be defended by looking into the historical, cultural and economic need for Prairie people to adopt a collective philosophy towards their lives concerning common goals, and, more recently, an antagonism towards Eastern Canadian economic domination over the Prairie provinces. Such a view of the three Prairie provinces has many times stimulated the question - Why don't they join together and create one Prairie province? The Conference to discuss this question was most recently held at Lethbridge, Alberta, and from the proceedings of this conference comes the stimulus and interest in this topic. A further objective is to identify the interesting growth of co-operative organisations which transcend political boundaries within the Prairies. It is suggested that these are in direct response to the fact that the region needs a co-operative approach to many of the problems that are faced by the whole region. This is indeed a cause for agitation in that integration is increasing in the Prairies. Argument can be made that political unification is the ultimate step. It must be pointed out that the writer has not taken a stand on the advisability of the idea, but merely to identify the bases of the agitation for it. The method of investigation in this work is to determine the extent to which the Prairie provinces could be considered to have an identity which points particularly to the Western alienation question. A measure of the following for the idea of Prairie union is given. This is examined with regard to the increasing number of organisations that concern themselves with a Prairie hinterland, as opposed to an area of influence contained by the political borders of one of the Prairie provinces. The conclusion is that the Prairies do have a definable identity which is predominantly a result of the feeling of Western alienation in the Prairies. The desire to control their own future stimulates the growth of Prairie organisations. The agitation for Prairie unity does not necessarily express itself in terms of a political union, but in terms of Prairie co-operation. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

This thesis examines the recruitment of the political elite in Burma from 1962 to 1967, the first five years of the second Ne Win regime. The political elite is defined as consisting of officers of the rank of Colonel or higher, and civilians who hold administrative or party offices similar to those held by these high-ranking officers. The aspects of recruitment considered are (1) the extent of representation of ethnic groups; (2) the extent of achievement orientation; and (3) the nature and scope of recruitees' experience in dealing with the leadership of minority ethnic groups. These recruitment variables are chosen for their relevance to political development, and this will be demonstrated by consideration of some of the implications of elite recruitment practices in Burma for the development of equality, system capacity, and structural differentiation. Research into the ethnic origins and career experience of the current Burmese elite was conducted by a review of the existing literature and secondary historical sources, as well as a survey of the English-language press of Burma and foreign periodicals for the years 1962 to 1967. The Burmese periodicals surveyed were The Guardian (daily) and Forward (fort-nightly); and the non-Burmese periodicals were The New York Times and the Far Eastern Economic Review. Use was also made of a Who's Who in Burma, published in 1961. It was found that according to the rank of offices held, the Burmese political elite is by no means exclusively military. The military component of the elite consists of a large proportion of the veterans of the Burma Independence Army, which has comprised the officer corps of the Burma Army since shortly after Independence. Many of the administrative offices continue to be held by veterans of the colonial Civil Service, although their superiors are Army officers. In addition, many posts in the single Army-sponsored party are held by veterans of former extremist "left-wing" parties. Very few positions in the current regime are held by former political leaders. It was found that representation of ethnic groups other than the Burman majority was very low, being restricted to 2 out of 54 from the military component and 9 out of 44 of the civilian component, 6 of the latter being Ambassadors. The current elite is shown to be considerably less representative of minority ethnic groups than that of the civilian governments, and this difference is partly explained by institutional changes. The extent of achievement orientation in recruitment is considered by an examination of the formal education and professional experience of elite members. It is shown that the level of formal education of the current elite is at least slightly lower than that of the civilian governments, with less than half holding university degrees. The period in question also shows a decline in the professionalism of the military as compared to the period of civilian government and to the military Caretaker Government of 1958 to 1960. This is explained as a consequence of the recruitment to party and administrative posts of former "oppositionist" politicians, which has upset a balance between professional and political orientations in the military. The experience of elite members is also found to include service as military administrators in minority ethnic group areas, a position not conducive to the stimulation of attitudes of equality and non-discrimination. This, then, eliminates a possible substitute for ethnic group representation in the elite. It is concluded, finally, that none of these recruitment practices are conducive to further political development in Burma, but constitute part of a defensive posture oriented towards counter-insurgency, minority-group regulation, and the short-run political security of the elite. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis is the result of research on the nature of Japan's security policy as pursued by the Ikeda Cabinet during I960 and 1964. The main discussion consists of three parts: internal political impacts on security policy making; external political impacts on security policy of Japan; and Japan's security policy proper. Three political parties are studied as significant determinants of internal political impacts on the decision making structure of the Japanese political system. The rationale is that these political parties provide channels that connect the decision making core and the outer area of the Japanese political system. Therefore, the study of these political parties is a rewarding attempt at observing political inputs that the decision making core of the Japanese political system receives. International exchange of the Japanese political system is investigated in the second part of the discussion. This subject is viewed both as inputs and outputs of the Japanese political system in relation to its international environment. The nature of the external impacts such as military, economic, geographic, ideological or cultural impacts is not specified in the following discussion, but is viewed as a Gestalt, or total being which comprises all the elements stated above. The third section deals with what is usually described as defence policy. A more military aspect of Japan's security policy is studied in this section. In conclusion, a broad generalisation is derived from the survey cited in the main discussion. The conclusion is characterised as the principle of balance in the Ikeda Cabinet's security policy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The state-stateless dichotomy in political anthropology, based on the criterion of government in a legal-structural sense, leads to the "ordered anarchy" designation of some primitive societies such as the Eskimo. The dichotomy apparently stems from a pre-occupation with Western forms of government. This ethnocentric, structural bias invalidates many of the conclusions to be found in the literature regarding primitive societies, and has important implications for current research methods. A tentative analytic framework is outlined for political organization, here construed as a process rather than a substantive structure, utilizing the interrelated concepts of power or influence, and decision- making. Influence or power, defined as the ability to get others to act, think, or feel as one intends, is an attribute of social relationships. Its dimensions include sources, means, scopes, extension, amount, costs, and strength. Political organization is regarded as the process by which decisions of group range are effected by influentials (i.e., individuals wielding power or influence). Some of the literature relating to the political organization of Eskimo groups is reviewed and found to be unanimous in its apolitical designation of the Eskimo. Five cases, utilizing published behavioral data, illustrate the usefulness of the power-decision framework for political organization, but serious limitations are imposed by the incomplete range of the data. A specific Eskimo aggregation for which considerable background material is available is then considered in its political aspects, and within the limits of the range of data, support is again provided for the present framework. The methodological truism that basic assumptions should guide but not predetermine research conclusions is illustrated by the foregoing. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

This thesis examines the nature of Burma's military regime which came to power in March 1962, and which has portrayed itself, somewhat successfully until 1988, as a regime which has constructed a "Burmese" socialist political order in Burma. Though this self-image was more or less accepted by many observers, there nonetheless could be detected in writings on the regime some degree of scholarly unease regarding the nature of the regime stemming from its many glaring failures not only in economic management, but also in arresting political decay which has transformed Burma into a poverty-stricken, debt-ridden, and almost pre-modern authoritarian polity. This thesis is an attempt to provide a less particularistic explanation of the regime, to show that such a regime is not unique, and that the downward slide of Burma can be understood with reference to existing theories and concepts derived from the study of Third World politics and conditions. Accordingly, the anti-colonial "nationalist" movement in Burma, the Dobama Asiayone of the Thakins, and the various Dobama "armies" which became the national armed forces, the Tatmadaw, and the underlying historical and socio-economic and political conditions are re-examined and analysed within the theoretical framework of comparative Third World politics. The thesis argues that the leaders who led the Tatmadaw to the summit of power in 1962 were not modernizing military leaders, but were foremostly politicians in military garb whose agenda was shaped by parochial Burman ethnonationalism, a peculiar kind of anti-foreign "Burmese" socialism, and the myth of their triumph over powerful foreign opponents — the British and the Japanese. The thesis examines the military regime -- Ne Win's Tatmadaw dictatorship -- and endeavors to explain the paradoxical configuration, subsequent to the military seizure of power, of a strongly autonomous and highly coercive state in Burma, on the one hand, and the clear evidence of political and economic decay (stemming from the regime's poor performance and/or capacity), on the other hand, from the perspective of Third World politics. The explanation is framed in terms of Ne Win's personal rulership; the transformation of the Tatmadaw, on which the state and the regime is based, into a patrimonialized personal instrument of the patrimonial ruler, Ne Win; the subsequent general and widespread erosion of the integrity of various institutions; the undermining of legal-rational norms; and the increasing reliance of Ne Win and the regime on the use of terror to maintain power as its legitimacy waned over time, and the corresponding greater degree of disengagement of society from the control and perview of the state. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study of politics in the Northwest Territories concentrates on the period from 1966 to 1976 and is organized around the central theme of ethnicity. While other approaches to politics in the N.W.T. are possible, that of political development has been rejected as inappropriate and that of dependence has been set aside in so far as possible to allow concentration on the internal political system in the N.W.T. This thesis attempts to establish that ethnicity is salient in politics in the N.W.T. and to describe the resulting implications for conflict regulation. Ethnic groups are defined as groups sharing a common set of values, beliefs, and goals, bound by kinship ties, and possessing a set of communal institutions separate and apart from those of other groups. If ethnicity is salient, then evidence should be found that critical issues deal with questions of scarcity, that conflict groups are organized along ethnic lines, and that problems of legitimacy arise from the tendency toward secession inherent where ethnicity is salient. A framework for discussion of the implications for conflict regulation is provided by Nordlinger in his Conflict Regulation in Divided Societies. A discussion of indigenous societies before the arrival o of Europeans is provided along with a consideration of the changes brought by the fur trade, mineral exploration, and the development of permanent settlements after WW II. After 1966 instead of a single integrated society and culture in the N.W.T., there is a dual economy and society divided along ethnic lines between Whites with their middle-class, southern Canadian culture on the one hand, and the two indigenous native groups, the Dene and the Inuit, on the other. These divisions are reflected in the existence of both a modern wage economy and a traditional land-based economy in the N.W.T. and in the differing sets of goals, values, and beliefs of native and White people in the N.W.T. Evidence for the salience of ethnicity is provided in three areas: 1) each of the central political issues in the N.W.T. involves scarcity in that both native and White positions cannot be adopted simultaneously, 2) conflict groups are at least partially organized along ethnic lines, and 3) legitimation problems are evident at the three levels of electoral politics in the N.W.T. The implications of the recognition of the salience of ethnicity in politics in the N.W.T. are examined in terms of the elements necessary for successfulv conflict regulation as set out by Nordlinger. While the necessary condition of structured elite predominance appears to exist, conflict group leaders appear to lack conflict regulating motives which would create sufficient conditions for conflict regulation. Further, the only conflict regulating practice which appears to offer any hope of success is a combination of compromise and concession. The attempt to produce a workable compromise might introduce division among native groups in the N.W.T. and even of the N.W.T. itself. The possibility of devising any compromise which could regulate conflict in the N.W.T. is made even more remote by the dependent status of the N.W.T. and outside pressure for development. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate