Political and institutional leaders in the Pacific Northwest have struggled over how best to manage Columbia River Basin development and the implications of that development since the early 1900s. Their efforts present a seeming paradox: whereas prominent political and institutional leaders believed some form of regional governance system was necessary, those same leaders refused to establish systems with the decision-making authority necessary to resolve the issues that led them to create the systems in the first place. This study examines the historical record at the institutional level to determine why. This study found twenty-six governance systems proposed since 1933 of which eleven were enacted. Prior to then, a private market oriented system dominated, assisted by supportive federal agencies with jurisdictional authority over individual resource domains. Since 1934, the Basin has experienced an unbroken succession of one governance system or another, at times with multiple systems operating in parallel. This study categorized each system under one of four governance models, distinguished by the locus of decision-making. Transitions from one system to another came about through evolutionary processes or the emergence of circumstances that allowed for dramatic shifts between models. Evolutionary change within models resulted in collapse due to internal structural weaknesses or shifts to improved systems through mutual agreement. Dramatic change between models occurred when a "critical situation" appeared that called existing governance systems into question and allowed new systems to rise in their place. Four such critical situations occurred between 1929 and 1999. These were the onset of the Depression, the end of World War II, the hydro-thermal crisis of the mid 1970s, and the first ESA listings of salmon in 1991. This study concluded that the conflicting interests of powerful institutions only partially explain the Basin's governance paradox. Differing worldviews and senses of institutional culture, identity, and values aggravated the conflict over competing interests by shaping the perspectives each party held over the goals and motivations of the others. This study recommends further research to determine how institutional values translate into individual level decision-making. It offers a theoretical framework under which such research might proceed.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation sets out to trace the political history of part of what is now Natal in the period from the third quarter of the 18th century to the late 1820s. After briefly describing the nature of political organization in the region at the beginning of the period, it explains how, in the later 18th century, several large paramountcies emerged among the small-scale chiefdoms which had previously been in exclusive occupation of the area. It traces continuities between the conflicts which brought about the formation of these larger polities and the upheavals which, in the later 1810s and early 1820s, totally transformed the region's political landscape. It argues that the concept of the mfecane, which portrays these upheavals as a product of the violent expansion of the Zulu state, is based on colonial-made myths and is devoid of analytical usefulness. It shows that A.T. Bryant's supposedly authoritative account of the period of the upheavals is very largely plagiarized from two minor publications produced long before by Theophilus Shepstone. It goes on to propose an alternative account which demonstrates that the.Zulu state was simply one among a number of important political actors in the ThukelaMzimkhulu territories in the 1810s and 1820s. Though the Zulu were eventually able to establish domination of the region, they did not 'devastate' it, as conventionally they are supposed to have done, and were unable effectively to occupy more than a small part of it. The Zulu were still in the process of establishing a hold on the region when, in the mid-1820S, its political dynamics began to be transformed by the increasing involvement of British traders from Port Natal in the affairs of the Zulu state. By the end of the 1820s, cape-based commercial and political interests were beginning to contest Zulu hegemony in the region south of the Thukela, and a new era in its history was opening. / AC2017

by Lai Yiu Keung. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-236). / CHAPTERS: / Chapter ONE. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter A. --- The Problems of Civil Society --- p.1 / Chapter B. --- What does Habermas say? --- p.6 / Chapter C. --- Criticism on Habermas´ةs Concept --- p.15 / Chapter D. --- Public Sphere in recent Historiography of China --- p.21 / Chapter E. --- The Conceptual Framework of this Study --- p.26 / Chapter F. --- Justification of this Study --- p.30 / Chapter G. --- Why Shanghai? --- p.33 / Chapter H. --- A Methodological Note --- p.36 / Chapter TWO. --- Shanghai: City and People --- p.38 / Chapter A. --- Shanghai before the Arrival of Foreigners --- p.38 / Chapter B. --- The Political Significance of the Settlements --- p.42 / Chapter C. --- The Favourable Location of Shanghai --- p.48 / Chapter D. --- Structural Changes --- p.51 / Chapter E. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.60 / Chapter THREE. --- Shanghai as a Community --- p.65 / Chapter A. --- Traditional Merchant Organizations in Shanghai --- p.66 / Chapter B. --- From Exclusiveness to Inclusiveness --- p.72 / Chapter C. --- Toward Community-Wide Leadership --- p.73 / Chapter D. --- The North China Famine Relief and Macroregional Mobilizations --- p.79 / Chapter E. --- Western Influence and the Rise of Civic Consciousness --- p.82 / Chapter F. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.87 / Chapter four. --- Public Sphere in Shanghai: Institutions and Actors --- p.90 / Chapter A. --- Moving toward Constitutional Government --- p.90 / Chapter B --- . Institutional Bases --- p.99 / Chapter a. --- The Shanghai City Council --- p.101 / Chapter b. --- The Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce --- p.106 / Chapter c. --- Political Press and the Formation of Public Opinion --- p.111 / Chapter C. --- The Urban Reformist Elite --- p.114 / Chapter D. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.120 / Chapter FIVE. --- Public Sphere in Action I: The Anti-American Boycott in1905 --- p.122 / Chapter A. --- Background --- p.122 / Chapter B. --- The Development of Boycott --- p.126 / Chapter C. --- Organization and Leadership --- p.128 / Chapter D. --- Methods --- p.130 / Chapter E. --- Supports --- p.134 / Chapter a. --- Mercantile --- p.134 / Chapter b. --- Non-mercantile --- p.136 / Chapter F. --- Effects of the Boycott --- p.140 / Chapter G. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.141 / Chapter SIX. --- Public Sphere in Action II: The Constitutional Movement in1910 --- p.145 / Chapter A. --- Background --- p.146 / Chapter B. --- Development --- p.149 / Chapter C. --- Organization and Leadership --- p.153 / Chapter D. --- Methods --- p.157 / Chapter E. --- Political Demands --- p.160 / Chapter F. --- Result and Effect --- p.163 / Chapter G. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.165 / Chapter SEVEN. --- The 1911 Revolution in Shanghai and the Closure of Public Sphere --- p.168 / Chapter A. --- Revolutionary Activities in Shanghai --- p.168 / Chapter B. --- The Merchant Militia --- p.171 / Chapter C. --- Cooperation between the Revolutionaries and the Reformist Elite --- p.174 / Chapter D. --- The Revolution in Shanghai --- p.179 / Chapter E. --- Assertion of Political Power of the Reformist Elite --- p.182 / Chapter F. --- The Second Revolution in 1913 and the Demise of Elite --- p.186 / Chapter G. --- Concluding Remarks --- p.191 / Chapter EIGHT. --- Conclusion --- p.192 / Chapter A. --- The Degeneration of the Public Sphere --- p.192 / Chapter B. --- Nationalism and Public Sphere --- p.195 / Chapter C. --- Concluding Review of the Study --- p.205 / Chapter D. --- Discussions --- p.211 / BIBLIOGRAPHY

Much of the academic - and popular - literature on the South African negotiations process focuses on the two principal players, the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party Government. A significant number of other political groupings were vying for influence at this time and although they would not fare well electorally in 1994, their influence and also their symbolic importance has been overlooked. Four groupings that have found themselves on the margins of the South African transition are the subject of this thesis: The white right wing (Afrikaner Volksunie, the Conservative Party, the Freedom Front); the homelands (in particular Bophuthatswana, KwaZulu and Transkei), the Democratic Party (DP) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). All four of these political groupings were deeply involved in the transition process and critically, offered very different options and scenarios for the future. These included alternative visions of a federal South African state, a more independent judiciary, stronger provincial powers and greater degrees of cultural and territorial self-determination. For some of the parties - notably the PAC- the compromises reached in the constitution around property rights were unacceptable. In the case of the PAC, Inkatha and some far-right Afrikaner groupings, there was a turn to violence - even if not always sanctioned by leadership - that had an important impact on conditioning the settlement. The differing trajectories and prescriptions of these groupings offer up important lessons regarding the history of the negotiations period, the potential for alternative pathways during this time as well as the deficiencies of the current constitutional order. The histories of these marginal groupings on the sidelines of a historic settlement speak to longstanding fault lines in South Africa's political discourse, including the role and salience of liberalism, socialism and ethno-nationalism in the post-apartheid era.

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D.Litt. et Phil. / The new constitutional dispensation which came into being in 1994 rendered the Afrikaner people politically powerless in a numerically black dominated one-man-one-votewinner-takes-all system. In the face of a state policy bent on nation building and averse to minority rights, the need for a strategy to recapture their right to self-determination arises. Self-determination may vary from corporate/cultural rights to internal autonomy, to complete political independence in a sovereign territorial state. With selfdetermination in one form or another as objective, the next question is whether the Afrikaner has the will to survive. The Afrikaner is a divided people and the will to reassert itself seems dormant. However, there are increasing signs of a reawakening nationalism. Part of a strategy for selfdetermination should therefore be directed at reviving and mobilising the Afrikaner's will and ethnic patriotism. Economic empowerment is also necessary as part of the means to enforce its will and achieve its objectives. Strategy is largely based on values. An analysis of African and Western orientated Afrikaner values reveals serious differences in, inter alia, reality, economic and religious perceptions. This can become a motivating force for reasserting Afrikaner self-determination. Strategy entails imposing one's will on an adversary. No strategy is needed where there is no resistance or opposition. There are a variety of options for exerting coercion in order to force the opposition to comply with a freedom movement's demands for self-determination. A number of options can be proffered. Not all are equally appropriate or politic. Circumstances should dictate the choice. Some of these options are: The so-called soft option. This entails convincing the opponent that it would be also in his own interest to accede to the freedom movement's demands and, conversely, to his detriment to oppose those demands. The psychological or propaganda option, using methods of psychological persuasion to undermine the opposition's morale and encourage one's own people. It also serves to mobilise international opinion . which is becoming more sympathetic to ethnic demands for self-determination. The cybernetic option, utilising information technology and cyberspace as a weapon against the opposition and to enhance one's own organisation and empowerment. Physical violence as used by revolutionary forces, urban guerillas and other terrorists. This could be counter productive because innocent people are often targeted and even killed. These options may be exercised individually or in conjunction with each other.

This study brings together in a single volume facts and opinions not previously consolidated on the subject of Oregon's provisional government. Previous writings or citations about the government were in the context of larger or different areas of interest. The main areas of concentration in the thesis include the political events of the government in session and the public's knowledge of these events. Also examined are the direction of government, the electoral process, and the newspaper coverage of the period. The extant journals of the government are the primary sources for the proceedings of the sessions. Public opinion and awareness is gleaned from the early newspaper, "Oregon Spectator." Also valuable are the writings of the people active in or affecting the government. Writings of historians covering some aspects of the period are used to gain an overview.

Large-scale humanitarian crises in foreign countries raise the question of whether or not other countries have a duty to alleviate that suffering. In extreme cases, humanitarian intervention, that is: military intervention for the purpose of alleviating human suffering, is sometimes advocated as the morally required course of action. This thesis suggests that while the international community has a general moral responsibility to prevent and ameliorate humanitarian crises there is no simple duty of military humanitarian intervention. Hitherto, the question has typically been treated as a matter of either moral or legal principle. This thesis argues that empirical factors, which affect the international community's ability to carry out interventions effectively, have not been given their due weight in the debate. On the basis of evaluations of international responses to crises in Somalia and Rwanda, 1992 - 1994, it is suggested that a range of factors undermine the efficacy of humanitarian interventions. These factors include the impact of state interests, the effects of domestic politics in intervening states and, contrary to expectations, the role of humanitarian considerations in decision making on intervention. By showing the limitations of a simplistic view of a duty of humanitarian intervention the thesis seeks to contribute to reconciling idealism with realism in international crisis-responses. Based on sound moral and political judgment military interventions in humanitarian crises would hopefully be less ambitious and ultimately more effective.

The study of local history in South Africa is still in its infancy and has not been accorded the same recognition as elsewhere. There is no convenient manual to guide the would-be local historian of the Cape. There are few models that provide an insight into the main problems encountered by the local historian of a Cape community. In such local histories as exist, attention has been focussed predominantly on the foundation and physical growth of towns, the naming of streets, the establishment of schools and hospitals. Many of these accounts were written for publicity purposes or to commemorate the founding of towns. Although there is no history of the Dutch Reformed Church in Graaff-Reinet, the history of local congregations of the Dutch Reformed Church has generally been well covered in the form of Gedenkboeke and other studies. These frequently have a particular relevance as many towns such as Burgersdorp and Colesberg were founded as a result of the initiative of the church. Preface.