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When President Jimmy Carter entered the White House, he desired a decision-making structure that would be collegial and provide him with a diverse range of policy options from his principal advisors, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski. However, their differing outlooks coupled with a desire to control and manage U.S. foreign policy led to a furious and bitter battle to influence the administration's agenda. This thesis analyses the relationship between Vance and Brzezinski and their struggles for the ear of the president. It was a conflict exacerbated by the institutional rivalry between the National Security Council and the State Department as they battled with one another to affect policy. As issues arose, the president's advisors, supported by their constituencies, jostled to orchestrate the administration's strategies and approach. Subsequently, tensions increased as the conflict between Vance, Brzezinski and their departments developed into unbridled bureaucratic warfare within the Carter administration. This study utilises the bureaucratic politics paradigm to illustrate how the influence of advisors and organisations can impact on presidential decision-making. While President Carter wanted to be the main decision maker in his administration, his insistence on a system that provided him with a range of advice precipitated the struggles between Vance and Brzezinski. As their disputes intensified, Carter was unable to effectively manage the views and advice of his advisors and formulate a clear strategy. As this thesis demonstrates, the bureaucratic politics model provides an effective framework to analyse the development and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. While historians have neglected or played down the significance of their clashes, this thesis argues that the rivalry between Vance, Brzezinski, and their respective departments had a clear and visible effect on U.S. foreign policy. The bureaucratic wars raged throughout Carter's time in office, contributing to a tapestry of inconsistencies that resulted in the administration's inability to create a settled foreign policy agenda.

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This thesis is an internal organisational history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt between 1973 and 2013. Based on memoires of Brotherhood leaders, as well as oral history interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013 with different rank-and-file members and dissidents, the thesis situates the life trajectories and personal experiences of these individuals within a larger national and international context. The purpose is to provide a historical account that is able to explain the reasons for the Brotherhood's cataclysmic failure of the summer of 2013. In accounting for the fall, my key argument centres on the internal rivalry between two political factions representing different "schools of thought", or visions, about the kind of organisation the Brotherhood was supposed to be. Representatives of the respective coalitions competed against each other over hegemony and organisational resources, basing their claims on contrasting intellectual traditions, political cultures and organisational values that had co-existed, sometimes uncomfortably, within the ranks of the Society since the times of Hasan al-Banna. The adherents of the "Qutbist" school of thought put forward the idea of a closed, pyramid-shaped and exclusive organisation, while those closer to 'Omar al-Tilmisani's model aspired to a reformed Society that was open to outsiders, and where internal progression was based on meritocracy, transparency and some form of democracy. I argue that it is through the holistic analysis of the complex dynamics between internal organisational politics, the use of ideology, and the personal experiences of key organisational members, that we are best able to grasp the Brotherhood's failed experience in governance in 2013.

This thesis presents a comparative and interdisciplinary investigation into the relationship between politics and the Turkish and Kurdish novels, which are treated not only as artistic constructions but also as socio-cultural and historical artefacts. The primary objective of this investigation is to understand the principle social, political, and historical reasons and root causes behind the close relationship between politics and literatures in Turkey and the principle socio-political and literary ramifications of such strong relationship. Towards this end, the thesis focuses on four main themes: language, love, religion, and history. Besides being the most common novelistic themes in the Turkish and Kurdish literary institutions, these are inherently heavily politicised and ethno-nationalistically charged themes - thus especially suitable for such inquiry. In line with this politico-historical and literary vein, the thesis also discusses some of the main political questions in Turkey, viz., the reasons behind the failure of Turkish democracy, its maladies and the resultant deadlock on some of the most important issues of the modern history of the country such as the Kurdish imbroglio and the conflict of secularisation and Islam. As the discussions on politics of love, language, religion, and history show, profound ideological competitions and antagonisms do not necessarily mean divergent political and literary structures. As such, the strong links between the Turkish and Kurdish literary institutions, as well as the ordeal of the Kurdish question and democratisation in Turkey, is as much caused by rival nationalisms, hostile ideological positions, and the like as by congruity, parallel political visions, and similar power structures. The main argument of the thesis, thus, is that the Kurdish and Turkish literary, political, and intellectual actors could not contribute towards the solution of the persistent political and literary questions in Turkey because of their failure in adopting a transformative politics and developing fully autonomous literatures. The future of the two literatures, as was in the past, this thesis argues, will remain intrinsically bound to the political structures and developments and the future of democracy in Turkey.

This study of the term politique during the French Wars of Religion (c. 1562-98) argues that it is a keyword in the sense that it is is active and actively used in French explorations of the political, in the forming and undermining of collective identities in a period of civil crisis, and in the self-fashioning gestures of a shifting political class. I sample and analyse a range of texts - from treatises that form part of the canon of early modern French political writing (such as Bodin's Six livres de la Republique [1576] and the Satyre ménippée [c. 1593]) to anonymous polemical pamphlets - all of which feature prominent uses of the term politique. Certain of these sources gave rise to a longstanding historiographical impression that politique referred, in the period, to a coherent third party in the religious wars as well as to a related kind of expertise and its practitioner. This thesis builds on and extends recent work showing that there was no such party and no one in the period who directly identified as politique. Rather than seeking to identify the 'real' politiques or to establish a corrected definition of the term as used in sixteenth-century French, I argue that the term is strikingly and increasingly mobile across the period, coming at times to refer to mobility itself in conceptions of politics and political action. Dialogue emerges in the thesis as a key conceptual arena and discursive mode for writers attempting to work out what they and others mean by the term politique. I use philological and word-historical methods to examine writers of the period who seek to determine what makes a good or bad politique, to present themselves as politique, or to condemn politiques as morally bankrupt, and - in some cases - to do all of the above in the same text. Almost every text I analyse in the thesis offers its own definition of politique, and attempts to be definitive, but I show that all these attempts to make the reader recognise the 'true' meaning of politique are extending the drama rather than concluding it.

Women have been part of modern revolutions since the American Revolution against Great Britain. Most descriptions and analyses of revolution relegate women to a supporting role, or make no mention of women's involvement at all. This work differs from prior efforts in that it will explore one possible explanation for the successes of three revolutions based upon the levels of women's support for those revolutions. An analysis of the three cases (Ireland, Russia, and Nicaragua) suggests a series of hypotheses about women's participation in revolution and its importance to revolutions' success.

Lam Yan-wing. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [101]-[106]). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract in English PP --- p.i-ii / Abstract in Chinese pp --- p.iv-v / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction pp --- p.1-10 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Early Life of Yanaihara Tadao and Influences on his Ideological Development pp --- p.11-26 / Chapter Chapter Three --- Ideas of Yanaihara Tadao in Prewar and Postwar Period pp --- p.27-77 / Chapter - --- Christianity and Socialist Ideas: Which was the Right Way to achieve the Utopian Society? / Chapter - --- "Colonial Policies, Racial Equality and Foreign Relations" / Chapter - --- War and Pacifism / Chapter - --- Christianity and Japanese Tradition / Chapter Chapter Four --- Yanaihara Tadao's Ideology and the Contemporary Situation pp --- p.78-94 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Conclusion pp --- p.95-100 / Bibliography

During the early twentieth century, the Democratic party dominated the conservative political landscape of Texas. Through the 1920s, members of the Republican party focused on patronage and seemed content to maintain the position of minority party. A growing dissatisfaction with the liberal policies of the New Deal during the 1930s created opportunities for state Republicans to woo dissenting Democrats to their side. With a change of leadership within the state GOP after 1950, the Republicans waged serious campaigns for offices for the first time. Republican men exercised their political yearnings through leadership positions. Women, on the other hand, were shut out of the leadership ranks, and, as a consequence, they chose a traditional female strategy. They organized clubs in order to support the new leadership and rising candidates. Against formidable odds, Republican women acted as foot soldiers and worked diligently to attain their objectives. As early as 1920, Texas Republican women began to organize. In 1938 they joined the newly chartered National Federation of Republican Women. In 1955 Texas women organized the Texas Federation of Republican Women (TFRW). Working through the TFRW, the women became the catalysts that broke the Republican party from its state of inertia, and they significantly contributed to the breakdown of the one-party system in Texas. Willing to do the "shoe leather politicking" necessary for victory, women became invaluable to GOP candidates, who began their campaigns in the clubhouses of Republican women. In 1978, with the election of the first Republican governor in a century, Republicans finally brought competitive politics to Texas. By the 1990s, the GOP became the majority party in the state. Republican women were not only important to the growth of the party, they were the driving force that broke the state from the shackles of one-party rule by winning elections through grassroots efforts. This study fully recognizes the rich contribution women made to Texas politics throughout the twentieth century.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-06-12T12:41:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lauro Ávila Pereira.pdf: 2610366 bytes, checksum: 81dc09b4eca738b2fe262d57fad07be6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-12T12:41:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lauro Ávila Pereira.pdf: 2610366 bytes, checksum: 81dc09b4eca738b2fe262d57fad07be6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-12 / The general objective of this doctoral research was to identify and discuss the paths proposed for the country by the magazines Veja and Isto é during the Brazilian political transition between 1976 and 1984. It was sought in more specific terms, to analyze the content of journalistic coverage of the magazines of the political mobilizations and social struggles that occurred in the period, rescuing the qualifications attributed to the movements and the positioning of the publications in that conjuncture. At the same time, it sought to understand the formation of a culture of transition in which the press, and particularly the magazines analyzed, had an active participation. The main sources of the research were the copies of Veja and Isto é magazines published between 1976 and 1984. Papers from the Deops Fund of São Paulo, newspapers of the daily press – O Estado de São Paulo, Folha de São Paulo, Jornal da República - of the alternative press - Movimento and Em Tempo - and documents of the Centro de Documentação e Pesquisa Vergueiro. The final text was organized in three parts: In the first part called - The weekly magazines in the transition - the objective was to rescue part of the history of the magazines Veja and Isto é, its main characteristics, internal transformations and, mainly, the editorial projects that organized them until 1984. In the second part, titled "Down the dictatorship: amnesty is oblivion?", It is discussed how the magazines covered the resumption of the student movement (1977-1979) and the amnesty movement between 1976 and 1979. The third part of the thesis, "Social Struggles: Workers Back to the Political Scene," analyses how the two publications covered the return of social movements to the political scene, particularly popular movements in the second half of the 1970s, The Movimento do Custo de Vida and the strikes of the late 1970s / O objetivo geral desta pesquisa de doutoramento foi identificar e discutir os caminhos propostos para o país pelas revistas Veja e Isto é durante a transição política brasileira entre 1976 e 1984. Procurou-se em termos mais específicos, analisar o conteúdo das coberturas jornalísticas das revistas frente às mobilizações políticas e lutas sociais ocorridas no período, resgatando as qualificações atribuídas aos movimentos e os posicionamentos das publicações naquela conjuntura. Simultaneamente buscou compreender a formação de uma cultura da transição na qual a imprensa, e particularmente, as revistas analisadas tiveram participação ativa. A principal fonte da pesquisa foram os exemplares das revistas Veja e Isto é publicados entre 1976 e 1984. Também foram consultados documentos do Fundo Deops de São Paulo, jornais da imprensa diária – o Estado de São Paulo, Folha de São Paulo, Jornal da República – da imprensa alternativa – Movimento e Em Tempo – e documentos do Centro de Documentação e Pesquisa Vergueiro. O texto final foi organizado em três partes: Na primeira parte denominada – As revistas semanais na transição - o objetivo é resgatar parte da história das revistas Veja e Isto é, suas características principais, transformações internas e, principalmente, os projetos editoriais que as organizaram até 1984. Na segunda parte, intitulado “Abaixo a ditadura: anistia é esquecimento?”, é discutido como as revistas cobriram a retomada do movimento estudantil (1977-1979) e o movimento pela anistia entre 1976 e 1979. A terceira parte da tese, “Lutas Sociais: Os trabalhadores de volta a cena política”, discute como as duas publicações cobriram a volta dos movimentos sociais à cena política, particularmente os movimentos populares na segunda metade da década de 70, entre eles o Movimento Custo de Vida e as greves do final dos anos 1970