This thesis is primarily concerned with the literary aspects of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Its immediate focus rests on the evolution of the Islamic republican poetic trend, encompassing both the disillusioned and conformist voices that rose to prominence in the course of the 1979 Revolution and their on-going engagement with the ruling political power. In this vein, this thesis investigates the various cultural policies of the state, as well as select political transformations of the past three decades, all of which played a pivotal role in this literary evolution. The thesis shows how the official poets that emerged during the 1979 Revolution, and which proved significantly active throughout the immediate history subsequent to that event (war with Iraq, the death of Ayatollah Khomeini and the rise and fall of the reform movement), evolved over time and thereby either received political support for their commitment to the state ideology or became gradually excluded from official cultural institutions. Finally, this thesis reviews the manner in which state strategies have shaped an institutionalised form of poetry that is monitored and reinforced by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic and official cultural authorities. It demonstrates how an innate linking of the project of Islamic republican literature to underlying ideologically defined notions such as 'religious verse', 'legitimate poetry' and 'commitment' was and continues to be an intrinsic part of the literary foundations of the ideological apparatus of the Islamic Republic.

Politics of History in Poland have become the central theme of the Government of Law and Justice in the 2005 - 2007 period. The thesis deals with the definition of the term Politics of History and the term as understood by Law and Justice. The new direction of Politics of History prompted a lively debate in Poland between both Polish historians and the general public. The paper describes how the government conducted this policy and the tools utilized. One of their main motives was the delimitation of political developments in the country after 1989 and the lack of dealing with the communist past. For this reason, one of the subchapters of the work is devoted to significant historical discussions between 1989 and 2005. The central figures of the new direction of historical politics in Poland were brothers Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński, who had the greatest influence on the promotion of this policy in public discourse. In conclusion, the results of the two-year enforcement of historical politics.

Text in German / Die wirtschaftspolitische Konzeption der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wird seit 1948 als „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ bezeichnet. Es beruht auf den Prinzipien des Leistungswettbewerbs, geregelt durch staatliche Ordnungen und ergänzt durch einen sozialen Ausgleich. Die „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ geht dabei einen Mittelweg zwischen einer liberalen laissezfaire Wirtschaftsordnung und einer staatlichen Planwirtschaft. Vorliegende Arbeit untersucht zum ersten Mal im Detail ein Vorläuferdokument der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, die „Freiburger Denkschrift“ aus dem Jahr 1943. In dieser Nachkriegsordnung, eine Auftragsarbeit der „Bekennenden Kirche“, finden sich alle Grundprinzipien der später eingeführten Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, eingebettet in ein umfangreiches christliches Reformprogramm für den Wiederaufbau Deutschlands. Die Arbeit analysiert den Hintergrund der Verfasser und die Inhalte der Denkschrift. Konkret wird gezeigt, welche Überzeugungen der christlichen Ethik sich in den wirtschaftspolitischen Forderungen der Denkschrift niedergeschlagen haben. Außerdem wird die Denkschrift in den biographischen Kontext der Verfasser und die zeitgeschichtlichen theologischen Zusammenhänge eingeordnet, denn viele Thesen des Dokuments reflektieren Diskussionsprozesse der damaligen Zeit. Zudem kann gezeigt werden, dass in die Freiburger Denkschrift sowohl protestantische wie auch römisch-katholische Elemente Eingang gefunden haben. / Since 1948 the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany is called “Social Market Economy”. It is based on the principles of competitive markets, ensured by governmental competition policy and supplemented by social insurance and public assistance. The “Social Market Economy” takes a middle road between a liberal laissez-faire economy and a a centrally planned economy. The current study examines for the first time in detail the document that preceded the “Social Market Economy,” the 1943 “Freiburg Memorandum”. In this work, commissioned by the Confessing Church of the Third Reich as a post-war system, all fundamental principles of the later “Social Market Economy” can be found embedded in a comprehensive Christian reform program for the reconstruction of Germany. This dissertation analyzes the background of the authors and the contents of the memorandum. We will show specifically which convictions of Christian ethics were incorporated into the economic-political requests of the document. In addition the memorandum will be connected to the biographical context of the authors and the theological context of their time, as many theses put forward in the document reflect discussions that were in progress at that time. Also, it can be shown that Protestant as well as Roman-Catholic elements found entrance into the “Freiburg Memorandum”. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M.Th. (Theological Ethics)

Text in German / Die wirtschaftspolitische Konzeption der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wird seit 1948 als „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ bezeichnet. Es beruht auf den Prinzipien des Leistungswettbewerbs, geregelt durch staatliche Ordnungen und ergänzt durch einen sozialen Ausgleich. Die „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ geht dabei einen Mittelweg zwischen einer liberalen laissezfaire Wirtschaftsordnung und einer staatlichen Planwirtschaft. Vorliegende Arbeit untersucht zum ersten Mal im Detail ein Vorläuferdokument der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, die „Freiburger Denkschrift“ aus dem Jahr 1943. In dieser Nachkriegsordnung, eine Auftragsarbeit der „Bekennenden Kirche“, finden sich alle Grundprinzipien der später eingeführten Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, eingebettet in ein umfangreiches christliches Reformprogramm für den Wiederaufbau Deutschlands. Die Arbeit analysiert den Hintergrund der Verfasser und die Inhalte der Denkschrift. Konkret wird gezeigt, welche Überzeugungen der christlichen Ethik sich in den wirtschaftspolitischen Forderungen der Denkschrift niedergeschlagen haben. Außerdem wird die Denkschrift in den biographischen Kontext der Verfasser und die zeitgeschichtlichen theologischen Zusammenhänge eingeordnet, denn viele Thesen des Dokuments reflektieren Diskussionsprozesse der damaligen Zeit. Zudem kann gezeigt werden, dass in die Freiburger Denkschrift sowohl protestantische wie auch römisch-katholische Elemente Eingang gefunden haben. / Since 1948 the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany is called “Social Market Economy”. It is based on the principles of competitive markets, ensured by governmental competition policy and supplemented by social insurance and public assistance. The “Social Market Economy” takes a middle road between a liberal laissez-faire economy and a a centrally planned economy. The current study examines for the first time in detail the document that preceded the “Social Market Economy,” the 1943 “Freiburg Memorandum”. In this work, commissioned by the Confessing Church of the Third Reich as a post-war system, all fundamental principles of the later “Social Market Economy” can be found embedded in a comprehensive Christian reform program for the reconstruction of Germany. This dissertation analyzes the background of the authors and the contents of the memorandum. We will show specifically which convictions of Christian ethics were incorporated into the economic-political requests of the document. In addition the memorandum will be connected to the biographical context of the authors and the theological context of their time, as many theses put forward in the document reflect discussions that were in progress at that time. Also, it can be shown that Protestant as well as Roman-Catholic elements found entrance into the “Freiburg Memorandum”. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

This thesis demonstrates how some women used the power of their ancestry and family name to run for political office, to become a positive role model for other women, and also to help pass laws favorable to the improvement of gender equality. Edna Pearce Lockett was unique, but also a reflection of the values of her community. Women who ran for office tended to have strong male figures in their lives that treated them as equals. They often were savvy enough to use the novelty of their gender to encourage positive press. Far from trying to be men, they accentuated their femininity through press accounts detailing their fashion sense, their dedication to feminine pursuits, and their ability to be ladies as well as serve their constituency. Edna Pearce Lockett's life also illustrates what society was like in central Florida during the first half of the 20th century for men and women living on and around the cattle industry. / by Terry L. Dooley. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Mid-Ming times witnessed the rise of Neo-Confucianized merchants in Huizhou. The combined effort of Cheng surnamed merchants and the prestigious scholar-official Cheng Minzheng revived the trend of lineage construction in a recognizable pattern. First, the branch Shi Zhong temples were made to be used as ancestral halls of the Chengs. Then, multi-volume genealogies of enlarged kinships were compiled to form conglomerated lineages. The climax of this lineage-building process was the publication of the Conglomerated Lineage of the Chengs of Huizhou (Xin'an Chengshi tongzong shipu) compiled by Cheng Minzheng in 1482. This work created a constructed lineage but also realized a long cherished social ideal of the Confucian scholar. The local merchants were enthusiastic about such lineage-building activities, because the lineage itself facilitated their commercial enterprises and the building of it lessened the social tension brought about by their pursuit of profit. / The founding of the Ming dynasty influenced Huizhou in two ways. First, powerful families rising from Yuan times were weakened during the Hongwu and Yongle reigns. Consequently, Neo-Confucian social practices local elites supported such as lineage construction became inactive. Second, the Ming pursued a state policy of regulating local cults. Of the many local gods in Huizhou, only Wang Hua and Cheng Lingxi became legitimate gods recognized by the state. As a result, the Shi Zhong (everlasting loyalty) Temple worshiping Cheng Lingxi became an official temple in Huizhou. In time, branch Shi Zhong temples appeared in many areas in Huizhou and nearby regions. / The Mongolian conquest of China saw new social mobility in Huizhou. A group of new power holders arose because of the new regime's recruitment policy, which emphasized the appointee's class background and ability to collect taxes. The suspension of civil examinations in early Yuan times drove a large number of Confucian office-aspirants to become teachers in rural schools. These literati, however, helped spread Neo-Confucianism more widely than before. By late Yuan times, the new power holders in Huizhou also absorbed Neo-Confucianism and put it into practice in the construction of lineage halls and in the compilation of genealogies. Neo-Confucianism became socialized. / The study analyzes the various elements that made the Cheng lineage and defines these elements in the historical context of Huizhou from the Southern Song to the mid-Ming. Crucial elements include the rise of Cheng Lingxi, a famous warlord in sixth century. Cheng Lingxi was rewarded an official title by the Southern Song dynasty for which he became an authoritative god in early Ming times. Huizhou prefecture assumed increasing importance in Southern Song times because of its proximity to the capital at Lin'an. It became a communication hub for metropolitan Lin'an and the inland areas. Local government in Huizhou was strengthened and elites there entered the political center through civil examinations. Zhu Xi and his version of Neo-Confucianism were also well received there in late Southern Song times when both became orthodox. / This dissertation studies the construction process of the conglomerate lineage of the Chengs in Huizhou prefecture in mid-Ming China. This organization used the rule of decent-line to unite the families bearing the surname of Cheng and maintained the unity by means of genealogies and ancestral halls. The emergence of the conglomerated Cheng lineage bespeaks the emergence of a Neo-Confucian order jointly built by literati-officials and rising merchants in mid-Ming Huizhou. / 章毅. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 232-241). / Adviser: Hung-lam Chu. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0687. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 232-241). / Zhang Yi.

楊衛華. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 468-475) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Yang Weihua.

Why has international society been unable to develop political and judicial collective-security arrangements to limit external aggression? The thesis argues that efforts to limit aggression in moral and legal theory have created an unjust order in which great powers have used these theoretical traditions to reinforce their power in the global order. The thesis argues that is not a new development but can be found in one of the oldest traditions of moral reflection on war, the just war tradition. To substantiate this point, the thesis critically surveys the philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, Medieval Christian Renaissance, and early modern theorists of just war and demonstrates that their just war ideas contain assumptions about exclusion, identity and power reflecting their cultural superiority which underlie the practices and theories of the leading states and justifications of their aggressive wars. The thesis connects these moral reflections to the emergence of modern international law and the European pluralist international society of states based on mutual respect for sovereignty and the norm of non-intervention, highlighting how justifications of its colonial aggression against non-Europeans established an unjust solidarist order against them which persists in the post-Cold War era. To conclude it presents suggestions for improvement in the current pluralist international arrangements to address the issue of aggression.

German text / Gegenstand dieser Studie ist die historische Erforschung der deutschen Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen, modern ausgedrückt der evangelikalen Missionen in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Die bisherige Forschung hatte diesen Themenkomplex vernachlässigt. Diese Studie beschreibt, wie sich diese Missionsgesellschaften im Umfeld des nationalsozialistischen Unrechtsregimes verhielten. Da die Quellenlage problematisch ist, wird anhand der Missionsblätter aufgezeigt, wie die Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen zur Machtergreifung Hitlers standen. Dabei kristallisierte sich heraus, dass man sich überwiegend abseits von Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus positionierte. Allerdings blieb man in den Missionsblättern zur Bekennenden Kirche distanziert. Im Hauptteil dieser Studie kommt ein aus dem Quellenmaterial eruiertes Positionenspektrum zum Vorschein, welches von NS-Affinität bis Verfolgung reicht. Dieses ist an acht biographischen Einzelstudien nachgezeichnet. Schließlich hat sich gezeigt, dass die Schuldfrage in der Nachkriegzeit kaum eine Rolle spielte. Als Ergebnis kann konstatiert werden, dass die politische Ethik der Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen nur rudimentär vorhanden war und sich lediglich in Obrigkeitsgehorsam und apolitischer Grundhaltung zeigt. / The subject of this study is a historical examination of the German faith-missions (in contemporary terms: evangelical missions) during the period of National Socialism. This topic has been neglected in scholarly research to date. This study describes how these mission agencies acted in the context of the unlawful regime of National Socialism. Due to a problematic source basis, the attitude the faith missions took towards the ursupation of power by Hitler is demonstrated based on their own periodical publications. It emerges that they largely positioned themselves at a distance to National Socialism, racism and anti-semitism. However these publications also demonstrate a distance to the “Confessing Church”. In the main body the examination of eight exemplary biographies based on detailed sources portrays an array of different positions which range from affinity to the NS-system to persecution. Furthermore the study shows that the issue of failure or guilt hardly played any role in the postwar period. This study leads to the conclusion the political ethics of the German faith missions were only rudimentarily developed, and only evinced themselves in an obedience to the powers that be and in a basically apolitical attitude. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

In this thesis, I examine the nature and role of persuasion in Roman politics in the period immediately following the assassination of Caesar on the Ides of March 44 B.C. until the capture of the city of Rome by his heir Octavianus in August 43 B.C. The purpose of my thesis is to assess the extent to which persuasion played a critical role in political interactions and in the decision-making processes of those involved during this crucial period in Roman history. I do this by means of a careful discussion and analysis of a variety of different types of political interactions, both public and private. As regards the means of persuasion, I concentrate on the role and use of oratory in these political interactions. Consequently, my thesis owes much in terms of approach to the work of Millar (1998) and, more recently, Morstein-Marx (2004) on placing oratory at the centre of our understanding of how politics functioned in practice in the late Roman republic. Their studies, however, focus on the potential extent and significance of mass participation in the late Roman republican political system, and on the contio as the key locus of political interaction. In my thesis, I contribute to improving our new way of understanding late Roman republican politics by taking a broader approach that incorporates other types of political interactions in which oratory played a significant role. I also examine oratory as but one of a variety of means of persuasion in Roman political interactions. Finally, in analyzing politics and persuasion in the period immediately after Caesar’s assassination, I am examining not only a crucial period in Roman history, but one which is perhaps the best documented from the ancient world. The relative richness of contemporary evidence for this period calls out for the sort of close reading of sources and detailed analysis that I provide in my thesis that enables a better understanding of how politics actually played out in the late Roman republic.